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Ron DeSantis’s fall from the GOP primaries is one of the most dramatic political stories in recent history

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Florida Governor Ron DeSantis speaks to the media in the spin room after the fifth Republican presidential primary debate at Drake University in Des Moines, Iowa, on Jan. 10.CHRISTIAN MONTERROSA/Getty Images

For months he was a sparkler, a presidential candidate who seemed to light up the Republican political skies, a big-state governor who, like the patriotic fireworks of that name, seemed to have brilliance, strength and remarkable staying power.

But both the problem and potential of Ron DeSantis, who on Sunday withdrew from the race, was that he also resembled the Sparkler, the name that scientists using findings from the James Webb Space Telescope 11 months ago gave to a newly discovered galaxy that looked eerily like a young version of the Milky Way Galaxy.

It turns out that the sparkle fizzled from the Florida Governor precisely because he looks like a young version of the most prominent star in America’s own Republican political galaxy, former president Donald Trump, whom he endorsed in his withdrawal remarks.

And so while Mr. Trump and his pre-eminent challenger, former governor Nikki Haley of South Carolina, were barnstorming New Hampshire in advance of Tuesday’s Republican presidential primary, Mr. DeSantis was hardly visible, a faraway flickering figure who had lost nearly all of his star power.

How Mr. DeSantis fell to Earth is one of the most dramatic political stories of the new century.

“God bless Ron, but he’s done,” New Hampshire Governor Chris Sununu, who has endorsed Ms. Haley, said in an interview Friday night. “He’s out of staff, he’s out of money, there’s no ‘there’ there.”

Suddenly the campaign of Mr. DeSantis resembled nothing so much as a black hole, which NASA describes as “a gravitational field so strong that nothing, not even light, can escape.” He’s been absent as his rivals campaign here in the venue of the first presidential primary as he took his campaign out of sight of Granite State voters, primarily to campaign in South Carolina. His hope, now abandoned along with the rest of the effort: embarrass Ms. Haley in her home state and then replace her as the principal alternative to Mr. Trump.

The strategy, which lasted but 48 hours, came less from Star Wars than from the Korean War, General Douglas MacArthur’s daring 1950 gamble to take his understrength forces and mount a surprise offensive behind enemy lines. Gen. MacArthur’s gambit reshaped the conflict on the Korean Peninsula – but it did not lead to a clear victory for a military operation that eventually included 30,000 Canadians, more than 500 of whom perished.

Mr. DeSantis’s prime disadvantage in New Hampshire was that he offered a Laura Secord-style assortment of policies and rhetorical bombast that was nearly indistinguishable from that of Mr. Trump. Voters’ reaction here: He’s a shiny new, sparkly figure, worth a look to be sure, but without the personality, the magnetic appeal, the entertainment value of the original item.

“Why go for Diet Trump when you go for Full Strength Trump?” said Andrew Smith, the University of New Hampshire political scientist who heads the UNH Survey Center. Its latest poll, released Sunday, shows that Mr. DeSantis, who exactly a year ago led Mr. Trump by 43 percentage points to 39, now has sunk to a mere 6 per cent.

“DeSantis tried to be Trump without the Trumpiness,” Mr. Smith said, “but the Trumpiness is the fun thing that the Trump people love.”

At a packed rally in a Manchester hockey arena Saturday night, Mr. Trump had his own brand of fun deriding Mr. DeSantis, saying, “I think he’s gone.”

For months of hard campaigning, Mr. DeSantis did his best, working hard at spiffing up his image; in that regard, think of him as Pierre Poilievre of the Florida peninsula. But by the time he displayed a more approachable, less forbidding style, Ms. Haley, with a more pleasing mien and more moderate political profile, catapulted ahead of him.

The irony is that Mr. Trump, who claims success for Mr. DeSantis’ election as governor, predicted as much seven months ago when he said, “Soon I don’t think he’ll be in second place. So I’ll be attacking someone else.” All week, the former president trained his attacks on Ms. Haley, describing her as a “globalist” and the favourite candidate of Democrats.

Last week The Wall Street Journal called on Mr. DeSantis to “leave the race and give Ms. Haley a chance to take on Mr. Trump one on one.”

Mr. DeSantis’s errors were manifold. His emphasis on abortion – and his approval of Florida’s six-week abortion ban – fell flat among Republicans who saw that abortion politics had been poison for them in the 2022 midterm congressional elections; that’s why both Mr. Trump and Ms. Haley decided to soft-pedal the issue, especially here in a state friendly to abortion rights. He ardently identified with evangelicals in Iowa without recognizing that New Hampshire was the most secular state in the nation and that voters here pay no heed to preachers.

And while Mr. Trump, who has been the largest presence in American media for nine years, has defied the old chestnut that familiarity breeds contempt, Mr. DeSantis discovered in New Hampshire that absence breeds derision. Referring to his second failure to show up at an event at the local Red Fox Bar and Grille, the boldface lead headline in Thursday’s Conway Daily Sun was: “DeSantis no-show in Jackson, again.”

In New Hampshire as in the broader nomination battle, Mr. DeSantis began hearing a constant loop of the soundtrack from the 1977 film Smokey and the Bandit, for he has a “long way to go and a short time to get there.”

Increasingly, it appeared that for Mr. DeSantis, the long way to go may be four years away. Indeed, he began talking about voters telling him they wanted to vote for Mr. Trump this time – but for him in 2028.

For Mr. DeSantis, a onetime outfielder who once was the Yale baseball captain, the message of his 2024 campaign in New Hampshire matched the credo of the Boston Red Sox, beloved throughout the Granite State and whose fans waited helplessly and despondently for 86 years for a World Series championship. The message? Wait ‘til next year.

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New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs kicks off provincial election campaign

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FREDERICTON – New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs has called an election for Oct. 21, signalling the beginning of a 33-day campaign expected to focus on pocketbook issues and the government’s provocative approach to gender identity policies.

The 70-year-old Progressive Conservative leader, who is seeking a third term in office, has attracted national attention by requiring teachers to get parental consent before they can use the preferred names and pronouns of young students.

More recently, however, the former Irving Oil executive has tried to win over inflation-weary voters by promising to lower the provincial harmonized sales tax by two percentage points to 13 per cent if re-elected.

At dissolution, the Conservatives held 25 seats in the 49-seat legislature. The Liberals held 16 seats, the Greens had three and there was one Independent and four vacancies.

J.P. Lewis, a political science professor at the University of New Brunswick, said the top three issues facing New Brunswickers are affordability, health care and education.

“Across many jurisdictions, affordability is the top concern — cost of living, housing prices, things like that,” he said.

Richard Saillant, an economist and former vice-president of Université de Moncton, said the Tories’ pledge to lower the HST represents a costly promise.

“I don’t think there’s that much room for that,” he said. “I’m not entirely clear that they can do so without producing a greater deficit.” Saillant also pointed to mounting pressures to invest more in health care, education and housing, all of which are facing increasing demands from a growing population.

Higgs’s main rivals are Liberal Leader Susan Holt and Green Party Leader David Coon. Both are focusing on economic and social issues.

Holt has promised to impose a rent cap and roll out a subsidized school food program. The Liberals also want to open at least 30 community health clinics over the next four years.

Coon has said a Green government would create an “electricity support program,” which would give families earning less than $70,000 annually about $25 per month to offset “unprecedented” rate increases.

Higgs first came to power in 2018, when the Tories formed the province’s first minority government in 100 years. In 2020, he called a snap election — the first province to go to the polls after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic — and won a majority.

Since then, several well-known cabinet ministers and caucus members have stepped down after clashing with Higgs, some of them citing what they described as an authoritarian leadership style and a focus on policies that represent a hard shift to the right side of the political spectrum.

Lewis said the Progressive Conservatives are in the “midst of reinvention.”

“It appears he’s shaping the party now, really in the mould of his world views,” Lewis said. “Even though (Progressive Conservatives) have been down in the polls, I still think that they’re very competitive.”

Meanwhile, the legislature remained divided along linguistic lines. The Tories dominate in English-speaking ridings in central and southern parts of the province, while the Liberals held most French-speaking ridings in the north.

The drama within the party began in October 2022 when the province’s outspoken education minister, Dominic Cardy, resigned from cabinet, saying he could no longer tolerate the premier’s leadership style. In his resignation letter, Cardy cited controversial plans to reform French-language education. The government eventually stepped back those plans.

A series of resignations followed last year when the Higgs government announced changes to Policy 713, which now requires students under 16 who are exploring their gender identity to get their parents’ consent before teachers can use their preferred first names or pronouns — a reversal of the previous practice.

When several Tory lawmakers voted with the opposition to call for an external review of the change, Higgs dropped dissenters from his cabinet. And a bid by some party members to trigger a leadership review went nowhere.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs expected to call provincial election today

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FREDERICTON – A 33-day provincial election campaign is expected to officially get started today in New Brunswick.

Progressive Conservative Premier Blaine Higgs has said he plans to visit Lt.-Gov. Brenda Murphy this morning to have the legislature dissolved.

Higgs, a 70-year-old former oil executive, is seeking a third term in office, having led the province since 2018.

The campaign ahead of the Oct. 21 vote is expected to focus on pocketbook issues, but the government’s provocative approach to gender identity issues could also be in the spotlight.

The Tory premier has already announced he will try to win over inflation-weary voters by promising to lower the harmonized sales tax by two percentage points to 13 per cent if re-elected.

Higgs’s main rivals are Liberal Leader Susan Holt and Green Party Leader David Coon, both of whom are focusing on economic and social issues.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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NDP flips, BC United flops, B.C. Conservatives surge as election campaign approaches

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VICTORIA – If the lead up to British Columbia‘s provincial election campaign is any indication of what’s to come, voters should expect the unexpected.

It could be a wild ride to voting day on Oct. 19.

The Conservative Party of B.C. that didn’t elect a single member in the last election and gained less than two per cent of the popular vote is now leading the charge for centre-right, anti-NDP voters.

The official Opposition BC United, who as the former B.C. Liberals won four consecutive majorities from 2001 to 2013, raised a white flag and suspended its campaign last month, asking its members, incumbents and voters to support the B.C. Conservatives to prevent a vote split on the political right.

New Democrat Leader David Eby delivered a few political surprises of his own in the days leading up to Saturday’s official campaign start, signalling major shifts on the carbon tax and the issue of involuntary care in an attempt to curb the deadly opioid overdose crisis.

He said the NDP would drop the province’s long-standing carbon tax for consumers if the federal government eliminates its requirement to keep the levy in place, and pledged to introduce involuntary care of people battling mental health and addiction issues.

The B.C. Coroners Service reports more than 15,000 overdose deaths since the province declared an opioid overdose public health emergency in 2016.

Drug policy in B.C., especially decriminalization of possession of small amounts of hard drugs and drug use in public areas, could become key election issues this fall.

Eby, a former executive director of the B.C. Civil Liberties Association, said Wednesday that criticism of the NDP’s involuntary care plan by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association is “misinformed” and “misleading.”

“This isn’t about forcing people into a particular treatment,” he said at an unrelated news conference. “This is about making sure that their safety, as well as the safety of the broader community, is looked after.”

Eby said “simplistic arguments,” where one side says lock people up and the other says don’t lock anybody up don’t make sense.

“There are some people who should be in jail, who belong in jail to ensure community safety,” said Eby. “There are some people who need to be in intensive, secure mental health treatment facilities because that’s what they need in order to be safe, in order not to be exploited, in order not to be dead.”

The CCLA said in a statement Eby’s plan is not acceptable.

“There is no doubt that substance use is an alarming and pressing epidemic,” said Anais Bussières McNicoll, the association’s fundamental freedoms program director. “This scourge is causing significant suffering, particularly, among vulnerable and marginalized groups. That being said, detaining people without even assessing their capacity to make treatment decisions, and forcing them to undergo treatment against their will, is unconstitutional.”

While Eby, a noted human rights lawyer, could face political pressure from civil rights opponents to his involuntary care plans, his opponents on the right also face difficulties.

The BC United Party suspended its campaign last month in a pre-election move to prevent a vote split on the right, but that support may splinter as former jilted United members run as Independents.

Five incumbent BC United MLAs, Mike Bernier, Dan Davies, Tom Shypitka, Karin Kirkpatrick and Coralee Oakes are running as Independents and could become power brokers in the event of a minority government situation, while former BC United incumbents Ian Paton, Peter Milobar and Trevor Halford are running under the B.C. Conservative banner.

Davies, who represents the Fort St. John area riding of Peace River North, said he’s always been a Conservative-leaning politician but he has deep community roots and was urged by his supporters to run as an Independent after the Conservatives nominated their own candidate.

Davies said he may be open to talking with B.C. Conservative Leader John Rustad after the election, if he wins or loses.

Green Leader Sonia Furstenau has suggested her party is an option for alienated BC United voters.

Rustad — who faced criticism from BC United Leader Kevin Falcon and Eby about the far-right and extremist views of some of his current and former candidates and advisers — said the party’s rise over the past months has been meteoric.

“It’s been almost 100 years since the Conservative Party in B.C. has won a government,” he said. “The last time was 1927. I look at this now and I think I have never seen this happen anywhere in the country before. This has been happening in just over a year. It just speaks volumes that people are just that eager and interested in change.”

Rustad, ejected from the former B.C. Liberals in August 2022 for publicly supporting a climate change skeptic, sat briefly as an Independent before being acclaimed the B.C. Conservative leader in March 2023.

Rustad, who said if elected he will fire B.C.’s provincial health officer Dr. Bonnie Henry over her vaccine mandates during the COVID-19 pandemic, has removed the nominations of some of his candidates who were vaccine opponents.

“I am not interested in going after votes and trying to do things that I think might be popular,” he said.

Prof. David Black, a political communications specialist at Greater Victoria’s Royal Roads University, said the rise of Rustad’s Conservatives and the collapse of BC United is the political story of the year in B.C.

But it’s still too early to gauge the strength of the Conservative wave, he said.

“Many questions remain,” said Black. “Has the free enterprise coalition shifted sufficiently far enough to the right to find the social conservatism and culture-war populism of some parts of the B.C. Conservative platform agreeable? Is a party that had no infrastructure and minimal presence in what are now 93 ridings this election able to scale up and run a professional campaign across the province?”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 19, 2024.

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