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“Simply Black,” Reviewed: An Urgent Mockumentary About Racial Politics in France – The New Yorker

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For all its earnest diagnosis of race relations in a country that doesn’t recognize race, “Simply Black” is an extraordinary comedic work of lilt and sparkle.Photograph courtesy Gaumont Films and C8

France’s slogan is “liberty, equality, fraternity,” but instead of taking it as an ideal the country takes it as a given. As proof of its ostensible equality, for instance, the country treats all French people as equally French, mostly banning the collection of statistics on race, religion, and ethnicity. This policy, however, does not change the fact that France has serious problems of racial inequality and discrimination, problems that are addressed, substantially yet comedically, in “Simply Black,” a metafictional mockumentary directed by Jean-Pascal Zadi and John Wax. (It played in person over the weekend and is online as of Sunday, as part of the “Burning Brighter” festival at French Institute Alliance Française.)

Zadi, a Black actor and filmmaker whose family is from Ivory Coast and who was raised in Normandy, plays a fictionalized version of himself, bearing the same name. (We’ll call the character Jean-Pascal.) The movie begins with Jean-Pascal sitting at home, in his bright and pleasant apartment, and filming a video in which he declares his intention to organize a march of Black men in Paris, to protest the dearth of Black people in French media, cinema, and politics. He doesn’t conceal the span of his ambitions: the United States has Martin Luther King, Jr., and South Africa has Nelson Mandela, he says, but France has nobody similar—and will have Jean-Pascal Zadi.

Unlike the real-life Zadi (who’s an independent filmmaker, a rapper, a radio host, and a comedian on television), Jean-Pascal is an aspiring actor who’s struggling to get film roles because of the unchallenged stereotyping of Black people in French cinema. (In one audition, a white filmmaker considers him for the role of a character who’s a drug dealer, rapist, and Islamist; in another, the acclaimed director Mathieu Kassovitz, satirizing himself, rejects Jean-Pascal for not being African enough.) Though Jean-Pascal is sincere in expressing his rage against racial injustice, he’s also cynical enough to leverage his planned march for self-promotional purposes. In lieu of grassroots organizing, he advertises the event, and himself, through a series of Borat-like stunts—creating political street theatre, in controversial costumes, including dressing as an enslaved person. (For all their significance, “Simply Black” condenses these scenes into a rapid montage.) His performances go viral, but what makes him a celebrity is a stunt that goes awry: when he can’t get a meeting with the mayor of Paris, he bellows his protest through a megaphone and gets roughly arrested by a horde of police. The video of the incident gets shown and discussed on a very popular TV show, giving Jean-Pascal an in with French entertainers of color whom he counts on to amplify the event. As part of this promotion, Jean-Pascal also arranges to have himself filmed nearly constantly, for a documentary about himself, in the course of his workdays and nights.

His encounters with other French celebrities furnish the bulk of the movie (many, including Omar Sy, turn up as versions—sometimes, satirical ones—of themselves), and are crucial to Zadi’s keen political insights. “Simply Black” breezes right past the subject of ghettoization; it doesn’t peep into housing projects in the peripheral suburban neighborhoods that are kept strategically distant from the city. Rather, it depicts how even famous and prosperous Black entertainers endure exclusions and insults—and how cracks within the Black community, identity crises, and divisions form under that pressure. (Zadi has said that he was inspired by the Million Man March: “I found it funny to do a march against exclusion from which lots of people were excluded. That gave me a good baseline pitch.”)

Jean-Pascal has an outsider’s sense of resentment regarding the celebrities he meets—they have made it in show business, after all, while he has become famous for getting arrested, and his videos don’t translate into a career. Naïve, tone-deaf, and seemingly unself-aware, he is pugnaciously critical of Black entertainers. He reproaches the comedian Claudia Tagbo, who was born in Ivory Coast, for her jokes about African women. (She throws him out, physically, from her dressing room.) He antagonizes the journalist Kareen Guiock by insisting on calling her a “Black reporter” rather than just a reporter. He sparks a fight at a restaurant between the actors and directors Fabrice Éboué (who collaborated on the script) and Lucien Jean-Baptiste over their depiction of Black characters in their movies. Summoned by the comedians Ramzy and Melha Bedia, a brother and sister of Algerian descent, to expand the march to include French people from North Africa, he sparks three-way trouble between them, Black people, and Jewish allies (represented by the comedian Jonathan Cohen). Moreover, whenever Jean-Pascal meets activists involved in real-world politics, he manages to embarrass and humiliate himself.

All of these conflicts, and many more, are depicted with comedy ranging from wry to antic, from sotto voce to turbulently physical. (There’s also an extended sidebar involving the reputation of the French monologuist Dieudonné, who is now more notorious for his anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial than famous for his sense of humor.) For all the earnest diagnosis of race relations in a country that doesn’t recognize race, Zadi crafts an extraordinary comedic work of lilt and sparkle. The humor is amplified by a sense of wonder in seeing so many French personalities come together for common purpose as they negotiate the tightrope between commercial success and civic responsibility, between their public images as artists and their personal identities as members of marginalized communities in France. One of the crucial words in the film is “communautarisme,” communitarianism, a French term that’s used as a pejorative to characterize advocacy on behalf of one ethnicity or religion—and which Jean-Pascal aptly takes issue with. He eventually comes face to face with his inadequacy as an organizer and a promoter, and is ready to throw in the towel, until (avoiding spoilers) he endures yet more shocks—filmed with grand cinematic wit—that affirm the urgency of his cause.

Zadi started his movie career by making a documentary about hip-hop, in 2005, before launching himself as a feature-film director—which he did completely independently, with a tiny amount of private funding, co-produced by a rapper he’d worked with. He did this because he wanted to bypass the official process of subsidy, which, he said in a 2011 interview, would have meant a years-long delay. He added: “The stories I tell, I’m not sure that it interests the traditional cinema. . . . They’re stories that I see in my entourage but never in movies.” He made three features that way; “Simply Black” is his first film within the system, and it allows him to display his comedic virtuosity both on-camera and in his direction. Working with Wax (a white still photographer and music-video director who’s been his friend for a decade), Zadi appears to be directing from within the frame. His interactions with the other participants shape scenes that are largely improvised with a deft sense of pace and movement. The mockumentary format gives Zadi—who’s in every scene—a grand yet intimate showcase for his comedic artistry. Cannily aware of the camera, he glances into it periodically, with exquisite timing, conjuring a cinematic geometry that’s as much psychological as spatial. (These glances are reminiscent of the ones that the silent-comedy star and director Harry Langdon made a hallmark of his art.) “Simply Black” ’s crucial subject is the absence of a historic French civil-rights movement to inspire current-day protest—and the movie is, in some sense, an attempt to fill the void. Despite its antic comedy, it builds a serious case for political action, and for a future culture that expands its parameters both officially and aesthetically to include Black artists and their creative sensibilities.


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‘Disgraceful:’ N.S. Tory leader slams school’s request that military remove uniform

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston says it’s “disgraceful and demeaning” that a Halifax-area school would request that service members not wear military uniforms to its Remembrance Day ceremony.

Houston’s comments were part of a chorus of criticism levelled at the school — Sackville Heights Elementary — whose administration decided to back away from the plan after the outcry.

A November newsletter from the school in Middle Sackville, N.S., invited Armed Forces members to attend its ceremony but asked that all attendees arrive in civilian attire to “maintain a welcoming environment for all.”

Houston, who is currently running for re-election, accused the school’s leaders of “disgracing themselves while demeaning the people who protect our country” in a post on the social media platform X Thursday night.

“If the people behind this decision had a shred of the courage that our veterans have, this cowardly and insulting idea would have been rejected immediately,” Houston’s post read. There were also several calls for resignations within the school’s administration attached to Houston’s post.

In an email to families Thursday night, the school’s principal, Rachael Webster, apologized and welcomed military family members to attend “in the attire that makes them most comfortable.”

“I recognize this request has caused harm and I am deeply sorry,” Webster’s email read, adding later that the school has the “utmost respect for what the uniform represents.”

Webster said the initial request was out of concern for some students who come from countries experiencing conflict and who she said expressed discomfort with images of war, including military uniforms.

Her email said any students who have concerns about seeing Armed Forces members in uniform can be accommodated in a way that makes them feel safe, but she provided no further details in the message.

Webster did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

At a news conference Friday, Houston said he’s glad the initial request was reversed but said he is still concerned.

“I can’t actually fathom how a decision like that was made,” Houston told reporters Friday, adding that he grew up moving between military bases around the country while his father was in the Armed Forces.

“My story of growing up in a military family is not unique in our province. The tradition of service is something so many of us share,” he said.

“Saying ‘lest we forget’ is a solemn promise to the fallen. It’s our commitment to those that continue to serve and our commitment that we will pass on our respects to the next generation.”

Liberal Leader Zach Churchill also said he’s happy with the school’s decision to allow uniformed Armed Forces members to attend the ceremony, but he said he didn’t think it was fair to question the intentions of those behind the original decision.

“We need to have them (uniforms) on display at Remembrance Day,” he said. “Not only are we celebrating (veterans) … we’re also commemorating our dead who gave the greatest sacrifice for our country and for the freedoms we have.”

NDP Leader Claudia Chender said that while Remembrance Day is an important occasion to honour veterans and current service members’ sacrifices, she said she hopes Houston wasn’t taking advantage of the decision to “play politics with this solemn occasion for his own political gain.”

“I hope Tim Houston reached out to the principal of the school before making a public statement,” she said in a statement.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Saskatchewan NDP’s Beck holds first caucus meeting after election, outlines plans

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REGINA – Saskatchewan Opposition NDP Leader Carla Beck says she wants to prove to residents her party is the government in waiting as she heads into the incoming legislative session.

Beck held her first caucus meeting with 27 members, nearly double than what she had before the Oct. 28 election but short of the 31 required to form a majority in the 61-seat legislature.

She says her priorities will be health care and cost-of-living issues.

Beck says people need affordability help right now and will press Premier Scott Moe’s Saskatchewan Party government to cut the gas tax and the provincial sales tax on children’s clothing and some grocery items.

Beck’s NDP is Saskatchewan’s largest Opposition in nearly two decades after sweeping Regina and winning all but one seat in Saskatoon.

The Saskatchewan Party won 34 seats, retaining its hold on all of the rural ridings and smaller cities.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Nova Scotia election: Liberals say province’s immigration levels are too high

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia‘s growing population was the subject of debate on Day 12 of the provincial election campaign, with Liberal Leader Zach Churchill arguing immigration levels must be reduced until the province can provide enough housing and health-care services.

Churchill said Thursday a plan by the incumbent Progressive Conservatives to double the province’s population to two million people by the year 2060 is unrealistic and unsustainable.

“That’s a big leap and it’s making life harder for people who live here, (including ) young people looking for a place to live and seniors looking to downsize,” he told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

Anticipating that his call for less immigration might provoke protests from the immigrant community, Churchill was careful to note that he is among the third generation of a family that moved to Nova Scotia from Lebanon.

“I know the value of immigration, the importance of it to our province. We have been built on the backs of an immigrant population. But we just need to do it in a responsible way.”

The Liberal leader said Tim Houston’s Tories, who are seeking a second term in office, have made a mistake by exceeding immigration targets set by the province’s Department of Labour and Immigration. Churchill said a Liberal government would abide by the department’s targets.

In the most recent fiscal year, the government welcomed almost 12,000 immigrants through its nominee program, exceeding the department’s limit by more than 4,000, he said. The numbers aren’t huge, but the increase won’t help ease the province’s shortages in housing and doctors, and the increased strain on its infrastructure, including roads, schools and cellphone networks, Churchill said.

“(The Immigration Department) has done the hard work on this,” he said. “They know where the labour gaps are, and they know what growth is sustainable.”

In response, Houston said his commitment to double the population was a “stretch goal.” And he said the province had long struggled with a declining population before that trend was recently reversed.

“The only immigration that can come into this province at this time is if they are a skilled trade worker or a health-care worker,” Houston said. “The population has grown by two per cent a year, actually quite similar growth to what we experienced under the Liberal government before us.”

Still, Houston said he’s heard Nova Scotians’ concerns about population growth, and he then pivoted to criticize Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for trying to send 6,000 asylum seekers to Nova Scotia, an assertion the federal government has denied.

Churchill said Houston’s claim about asylum seekers was shameful.

“It’s smoke and mirrors,” the Liberal leader said. “He is overshooting his own department’s numbers for sustainable population growth and yet he is trying to blame this on asylum seekers … who aren’t even here.”

In September, federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller said there is no plan to send any asylum seekers to the province without compensation or the consent of the premier. He said the 6,000 number was an “aspirational” figure based on models that reflect each province’s population.

In Halifax, NDP Leader Claudia Chender said it’s clear Nova Scotia needs more doctors, nurses and skilled trades people.

“Immigration has been and always will be a part of the Nova Scotia story, but we need to build as we grow,” Chender said. “This is why we have been pushing the Houston government to build more affordable housing.”

Chender was in a Halifax cafe on Thursday when she promised her party would remove the province’s portion of the harmonized sales tax from all grocery, cellphone and internet bills if elected to govern on Nov. 26. The tax would also be removed from the sale and installation of heat pumps.

“Our focus is on helping people to afford their lives,” Chender told reporters. “We know there are certain things that you can’t live without: food, internet and a phone …. So we know this will have the single biggest impact.”

The party estimates the measure would save the average Nova Scotia family about $1,300 a year.

“That’s a lot more than a one or two per cent HST cut,” Chender said, referring to the Progressive Conservative pledge to reduce the tax by one percentage point and the Liberal promise to trim it by two percentage points.

Elsewhere on the campaign trail, Houston announced that a Progressive Conservative government would make parking free at all Nova Scotia hospitals and health-care centres. The promise was also made by the Liberals in their election platform released Monday.

“Free parking may not seem like a big deal to some, but … the parking, especially for people working at the facilities, can add up to hundreds of dollars,” the premier told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 7, 2024.

— With files from Keith Doucette in Halifax

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