Here are the trends that captured headlines this year — from the rise of the streaming wars and podcasting, to digital-media consolidation and the growing backlash against Big Tech.
1. Big-Media Streamers Assemble
The new multibillion-dollar battle fronts in streaming video became sharply drawn in 2019. Disney roared the loudest, with the debut of Disney Plus — snagging an estimated 24 million users in less than three weeks thanks to aggressive pricing, Verizon’s one-year-free promo and meme-ready breakout superstar Baby Yoda. Disney also inked a pact with Comcast to control Hulu (future home to FX’s streaming originals) and is set for a big international streaming foray next year. Apple TV Plus arrived with a more boutique play, including awards contender “The Morning Show.” The field, led by Netflix, will get more heavy artillery in 2020 with the rollouts of AT&T/WarnerMedia’s HBO Max, Comcast/NBCU’s Peacock and Quibi, Jeffrey Katzenberg’s wager on premium mobile video.
2. “Techlash” Intensity Grows
Popular on Variety
Silicon Valley was once the poster child for American innovation and business leadership. In 2019, the chorus blasting large tech companies as dangerously powerful and even a threat to democracy grew louder — with serious calls for the U.S. government to dismantle them. Against that backdrop, regulators stepped up their attempts to brush back the behemoths. The DOJ rattled its saber with new antitrust probes. Facebook absorbed a record-breaking $5 billion FTC fine over alleged privacy violations (though investors didn’t even flinch), while YouTube was slapped by the FTC for collecting data on children under 13 and was forced to implement major changes in how it treats kid-targeted videos. TikTok, owned by Chinese internet giant ByteDance, drew scrutiny over privacy and security fears (and entered into its own FTC settlement) after exploding as one of the most popular social-video apps.
3. Digital Media Players Get Urge to Merge
Seeking strength in numbers amid revenue shortfalls and fragmenting audiences, digital-media publishers went through a wave of consolidation. Vice snapped up Refinery29, looking to forge a stronger presence with millennial women; Vox Media acquired New York Media, as a growing number of print-centric brands landed new owners; and Discovery-backed Group Nine bought female-focused PopSugar. It’s not certain how well the tie-ups will fulfill their synergy goals, but it’s safe to expect more M&A in this sector in 2020.
4. Skinny Bundles Get Fatter and Pricier
Over-the-top TV providers promised to give cable-weary consumers cheaper, more flexible ways to get subscription TV. But the economic realities of the pay-TV biz came home to roost, as every player in the sector implemented significant price hikes in 2019 while also augmenting their programming lineups. Dish just raised Sling TV’s rates 20%, after Hulu kicked up the cost of its live TV service by 22% last month, following price increases for AT&T Now (formerly DirecTV Now), Google’s YouTube TV and FuboTV. Sony threw in the towel, concluding it couldn’t make money on OTT pay-TV, announcing that it will shut down PlayStation Vue in January.
5. Podcasting Pops
After over a decade of steady growth, podcasting turned a corner this year with a flood of new investments and initiatives. Podcast mainstays like NPR, Joe Rogan and iHeartMedia’s How Stuff Works were joined in the podcast gold rush by everyone from Conan O’Brien to the Obamas. Spotify planted its flag in podcasting with a spate of acquisitions (including buying studio Gimlet Media) and building up a slate of originals, and Sony Music entered the fray. Meanwhile Apple is poised to make noise in podcasting in 2020. In 2019, an estimated 90 million U.S. consumers were listening to podcasts monthly, up 23% from 73 million last year, per Edison Research and Triton Digital.
We Need a Media System That Serves People's Needs, Not Corporations' – Jacobin magazine
The past decade has witnessed the rapid decline of the newspaper industry in the United States. Revenue and readership have dropped precipitously, halving the nation’s newspaper employees. Actual journalism is vanishing, misinformation is proliferating, and our public media system — ideally a safety net for when the market fails to support the press — remains utterly impoverished compared to its global counterparts. From the collapse of its advertising-dependent business model to the dominance of platform monopolies like Facebook and Google, the commercial news media system faces a structural crisis.
Commercial journalism never fulfilled all of society’s democratic needs, but now it’s abundantly clear that the market can’t support the bare minimum levels of news media — especially local, international, and investigative reporting — that democracy requires. Any path toward reinventing journalism must acknowledge that the market is its destructor, not savior. Commercialism lies at the heart of this crisis; removing it could be transformative.
If we acknowledge that no entrepreneurial solution lies just around the bend — if we stop grasping for a technological fix or a market panacea — we can look more aggressively for non-market alternatives. In doing so, we can dare to imagine a new public media system for the digital age, one that privileges democracy over profits. A journalism that seeks out silences in society and ruthlessly confronts those in power. An information system that maintains laser-like focus on climate change, hyper-inequality, mass incarceration, and other social emergencies. A media system that treats workers as more than an afterthought.
US history offers fleeting glimpses of an alternative system — experiments such as labor outlets, community-owned newspapers, media cooperatives, and, once upon a time, a thriving radical press. Even mainstream commercial news occasionally has provided investigative reporting that exposes corruption, changes policy, and benefits all of society. But these moments have been the exception. The history of US media is largely a history of misrepresentation, exclusion, excessive commercialism, and systemic market failure.
However, it didn’t — and doesn’t — have to be this way. Another media system is possible — one that’s democratically governed and accessible to all.
Infrastructures of Democracy
We learn in school that self-governance requires an informed society sustained by a free press. Yet we rarely reflect on the infrastructures and policies necessary to maintain such a system.
The loss of effective journalism and rampant misinformation are structural problems that require structural solutions. More to the point, they’re collective action problems that require policy interventions.
Salvaging a nonprofit model from the ashes of market-driven journalism goes far beyond resuscitating a golden age that never existed or preserving a status quo steeped in inequality and discrimination. Guided by an ethical commitment to ensuring that all members of society can access information and create their own media, a public system can provide a strong base for further democratization. De-commercialization is an essential first step.
The late sociologist Erik Olin Wright gave us a useful schematic to help think through the possibilities for de-commercializing journalism and creating a truly public system. Wright proposed four general models for building alternatives to capitalism, each based on a different logic of resistance: smashing, taming, escaping, or eroding. After assessing these four approaches, Wright suggested that simultaneously eroding and taming capitalist relationships over time offered the best strategy for change — pushing to reform the existing system in ways that improve people’s everyday lives (taming), while also erecting alternative structures that gradually replace commercial models (eroding).
We can apply this strategic vision to our media system, with five general approaches:
- Establishing “public options” (i.e., noncommercial/nonprofit, supported by public subsidies), such as well-funded public media institutions and municipal broadband networks.
- Breaking up/preventing media monopolies and oligopolies to encourage diversity and to curtail profit-maximizing behavior.
- Regulating news outlets through public interest protections and public service obligations such as ascertainment of society’s information needs.
- Enabling worker control by unionizing newsrooms and facilitating media cooperatives.
- Fostering community ownership, oversight, and governance of newsrooms, and mandating accountability to diverse constituencies.
While we should pursue these approaches simultaneously, the most surefire way to tame and erode commercial media is to create a truly publicly owned system.
Creating a New Public Media System
In the US, proposing massive public investments in news media usually elicits two immediate objections. One is the concern that a publicly subsidized system would create a mouthpiece for the state. The other is cost.
Regarding the first, real-world examples suggest that media subsidies aren’t a slippery slope toward authoritarianism. Democratic nations around the globe heavily subsidize media while enjoying democratic benefits that put the US to shame. Public media and stronger democracies often go together.
Nonetheless, any public media system must erect a firewall to separate it from government and other powerful influences. Although government would play a key administrative role in establishing and protecting this system, it should be publicly operated, independent, and democratic in determining what specific kinds of media content and news outlets are supported. Political autonomy must be tethered to economic independence with adequate funding and resources — otherwise we’d simply reenact past errors and recreate another weak public system susceptible to political and economic capture.
On the question of cost, we must first remind ourselves that a viable press system isn’t a luxury — it’s a necessity. Similar to a classic “merit good,” journalism isn’t a “want,” but a “need.” To support this social necessity, rough estimates suggest we need an annual budget of around $30 billion.
That may seem large, but relative to the problem — and compared to the outlays for recent tax cuts and military expenditures — it’s actually a modest proposal. This is especially true considering the enormous costs to society if we continue without a functioning press system.
Ideally, we would have a guaranteed annual budget that would come directly from the US Treasury, but a second option would be a large trust fund supported by multiple revenue streams. Since this funding shouldn’t become a political football subject to the congressional appropriations process, it could be sustained by already-existing subsidies and mandated levies on communication oligopolies.
While individuals could contribute, a trust of this scope would require large funders. Possible sources might include levees on electronics and devices, tax vouchers, repurposing international broadcasting subsidies, proceeds from spectrum sales, and taxing platform monopolies such as Facebook and Google.
Permanent support for a well-funded national public media service could help guarantee universal access to quality news. This “public option” for journalism can address commercial media’s endemic problems, which render our information systems vulnerable to structural crisis and elite capture.
What Would a Truly Public Media System Look Like?
The fight for an independent public media system doesn’t end with funding. Once we’ve created the material conditions for this new system, we must ensure it remains truly democratic, owned and controlled by journalists and representative members of the public and operated in a bottom-up, transparent fashion in constant dialogue with community members. In short, these newsrooms must reflect the diverse audiences they serve.
We might envision this project in layers: the funding layer (how will this public media system be financially sustained?); the governance layer (how will resource allocations and other key decisions be made democratically?); the ascertainment layer (how will information needs be determined?); the infrastructure layer (how can we ensure distribution of and access to information, including universal broadband service and algorithms that privilege public media in search and in news feeds?); and the engagement layer (how can we ensure that local communities are involved in making their own news and contributing their stories?).
While administrators could distribute resources via centralized hubs at the federal, state, and regional levels, local media bureaus that represent the communities where they reside should make key governance decisions. Federal and state-level commissions could calculate how resources should be deployed to target news deserts, meet special communication needs, and focus on addressing gaps in news coverage, especially around inequality, global warming, elections, and other specific social needs and problems. This system would require a public media consortium comprised of policy experts, scholars, technologists, journalists, and public advocates that specialize in work relevant to each of these layers, while always reporting to and engaging local communities.
Free from the economic imperative of appealing to wealthy owners, investors, advertisers, and high-income audiences, media outlets could abandon various forms of redlining to include entire classes and communities previously neglected. They might focus less on clickbait and fluffy news and more on coverage devoted to the poor and to working-class issues. Instead of folding labor news into the business sections of newspapers, we might see permanent beats with teams of dedicated labor journalists covering everything from workers’ everyday lives to picket lines and the plight of unions.
This kind of journalism could lay bare the social costs of policy failure and the structural roots of inequality. Taking a page from what is now called “solutions journalism,” it could devote unwavering attention to combatting social injustice.
Liberating journalists from commercial constraints would allow them to practice the craft that led them to the profession in the first place. It would let journalists be journalists. And it would give them a stake in the ownership and governance of media institutions. Journalists also need strong unions to protect labor conditions and democratize newsrooms. A truly public media system should include worker-run cooperatives and other forms of collective ownership. Ultimately, public media means public ownership of media institutions.
The US media system is riven with stark inequalities. It reflects class and racial divides, just as it perpetuates them. But given the right structural conditions, journalism can instead be a force for social justice and radical change.
Building viable noncommercial alternatives will be a long, hard slog. Many flowers will bloom and wither. But starting with the premise that commercial models are a dead end can reinvigorate tired conversations about the future of journalism — and free us to think more boldly and creatively.
Reframing the Media
Too often, we assume that the market’s effects on journalism are inevitable — a force of nature beyond social control — or a public expression of democratic desires (“Give the people what they want”). If consumers (or advertisers, investors, and media owners) don’t support certain kinds of journalism, the argument goes, the market has spoken and we must let them perish.
Imagine if we designed public education according to a similar logic. If students elected not to pay for civics class, then it would be discontinued. It’s precisely this savage logic that’s snuffing out journalism in broad daylight. Only public investments in noncommercial media can support journalism that’s expensive to produce but rarely profitable.
The current market-driven system isn’t neutral or natural. The decisions we make in structuring our media are deeply political, laden with value judgments. And the present system naturalizes the powerful and profitable while defunding adversarial journalism.
Now is the time for creating counter-narratives and radical alternatives to the still-dominant corporate libertarian paradigm. A radical vision of public media requires a policy program that does the following: reduces monopoly power; installs public interest protections; removes commercial pressures; and builds out public infrastructure.
At the state and municipal levels, we can work toward programs such as community broadband services and local journalism initiatives. For inspiration, we can look to past US experiments — from municipal newspapers to cooperative telephone networks — to imagine what these institutions might look like.
Our long-term plans require a transformation at the federal level — driven by social movements from below — to create a new national public media system that builds on already-existing public spaces and infrastructures, including post offices, libraries, and public broadcasting stations. As newspapers transition into nonprofit status, they could also be integrated into this public media network.
For too long, US society has had the wrong debate about saving journalism. Conditioned not to see capitalism’s corrosive impact on news media, too many analysts misdiagnosed the problem because they failed to see commercialism at its core. Instead, we must clarify the structural roots of the crisis, expand the political imaginary for potential futures, identify alternatives, and help chart a path toward realizing them. And we must look ahead rather than behind us. Waxing nostalgic about a golden era of newspaper reporting, or pining for the days of three major television networks when Walter Cronkite told us “and that’s the way it is,” brings us no closer to the type of public media system that democracy requires.
Our goal must be to reinvent news media, not shore up old commercial models. Given this chance to unhook journalism from profit imperatives, we can reclaim and reinvent a public good. By designing a system that actually serves democracy, we can finally create the media we need.
How to Keep Yourself Off Your Friend's Social Media Feeds – Lifehacker
What do you do if you’re at a party and one of your friends starts taking pictures? Do you accept that anything you do at the event might end up on Facebook or Instagram? Do you reluctantly squeeze into the back of the group selfie?
Or do you ask your friend if they could maybe not include you—your face, your kids’ faces, the joke you made that they are itching to tweet—in whatever social media post they’re currently drafting?
We’re living in an environment where many people feel both pressured and excited to share every aspect of their lives online, whether to connect with far-flung loved ones, build their career/brand, or simply tell a continuous story about the way they experience the world.
But that continuous story often involves other people’s stories—and what do you do if you don’t want your story to become part of someone else’s social media feed?
One option is to lie low when the phones come out. Time your bathroom visits so you miss the group selfie; mess up the garnish on your cocktail or entree so it is no longer Instagrammable. Wear a hat and sunglasses to avoid facial recognition algorithms (though that isn’t always enough to fool the software).
You can also update your Facebook settings so its facial recognition algorithms won’t automatically track you, and set any tagged Facebook images to “review” status, meaning you’ll get to decide whether or not they appear on your timeline.
Of course, you can’t decide whether those photos will appear on other people’s timelines, or whether that one weird picture of you will get screenshotted into a meme.
Which means that if you really want to stay out of other people’s social media narratives, you’ll probably have to talk to them about it.
Or at least text them.
At The New York Times, Hayley Phelan interviews both influencers and experts on how to navigate these conversations. Priya Parker, author of The Art of Gathering: How We Meet and Why it Matters (one of my favorite books of 2018, for the record), suggests taking the lead by inviting friends to social-media-free gatherings:
Ms. Parker recommends letting guests know earlier rather than later that it will be a social-media-free event. “An invitation is the opening salvo of a social contract,” she said. “‘This is what this thing is this time around. These are the terms. Are you in?’ It’s much easier than policing the room.”
If you’re not the one hosting and can’t set the terms of the event’s social contract, you can still negotiate that contract either one-on-one or with the whole group. A whispered “no photos of me today, please.” A quick message to the group text before the event begins, asking that they refrain from sharing images of your kids online. An in-the-moment, at-the-table, “don’t share that, thanks!”
No content without consent, in other words.
And yes, like any other awkward social interaction, it will feel weird the first few times you do it—but I’ve been hearing people say that kind of stuff more and more these days, and if we have enough conversations about opting out of social media, we might be able to flip the expectation so that it becomes an opt-in thing.
That is, instead of going to a party assuming that anything you do could end up online, you’ll go with the understanding that nothing you do will end up online unless you agree to it.
V.I.A. reporter Elana Shepert is Glacier Media's Newsroom Employee of the year – Vancouver Is Awesome
Big news for Vancouver Is Awesome today: our very own Elana Shepert is being recognized as Glacier Media’s Newsroom Employee of the Year for 2019!
Elana joined us in September of 2018 and caught her stride fast. She spent 2019 bringing you some of our most-read articles and has played a large part in our traffic more than doubling over the last year to reach five million monthly page views.
Writing more than 2,000 pieces she kept you up to speed on the transit strike, let you know what to expect from the weather, brought you stories about the interesting wildelife of B.C., and destinations you might want to visit. And a lot more.
Something Shepert excels at is finding news stories that our digital readers (that’s you) will be interested in and engage with, giving you a better understanding of your community and bringing you closer to it.
This award she’s receiving is part of our parent company’s annual President’s Club, which recognizes and rewards success that is reflective of the core values and principles of Glacier and its culture.
With publications in over 60 Western Canadian cities employing hundreds of reporters, it’s huge for us to have someone from V.I.A. win the top prize.
Peter Kvarnstrom, President of Community Media at Glacier notes that “We are delighted to recognize Elana, amongst all our journalists for her ability to sniff out a story and tell it compellingly. In today’s digital media world, we are redefining what news and journalism means and what our audiences expect from us. Elana is leading the way for us at Glacier Media and V.I.A., as we are finding new ways to engage our audiences and create value for our sponsors and advertisers. Glacier’s President’s Club seeks to identify key individuals that are exemplary employees and strong community supporters. Elana is an obvious choice for us!”
Previous winners include Mike Howell from the Vancouver Courier, John Gleeson from the Coast Reporter (the same year he won the City Mike award at the Websters), Jane Seyd of the North Shore News, amongst others.
Congratulations, Elana! You are awesome.
Below is the full list of Glacier Media’s 2019 President’s Club winners. Congratulations to them all!
Elana Shepert, Vancouver is Awesome: Newsroom Employee
Laura Larson, Glacier Media Digital: Employee of the year
Dot Campbell, Powell River Peak: Top Sales Representative – Coastal & Interior Group
Tracey Maclean, Burnaby Now: Top Sales Representative – LMP Group
Sharon Kirkup, Flin Flon Reminder: Top Sales Representative – Prairie Group
Catherine Power-Chartrand, Whistler Magazine: Top Sales Manager – BC Group
Jackie Boser, Press Herald: Top Sales Manager/Publisher – Prairie Group
Shannon Mitchell, Tri-City News: Top Publisher – Community Media Division
'Big money' funding BC politics now mostly from taxpayers – North Delta Reporter
We Need a Media System That Serves People's Needs, Not Corporations' – Jacobin magazine
No NBA player brought the buzz to Toronto like the late Kobe Bryant – Toronto Sun
- Investment22 hours ago
Private equity and venture capital investment in Spain hits record high
- Health22 hours ago
Health officials searching for passengers after Toronto’s coronavirus patient showed symptoms on his flight
- Economy13 hours ago
Spain's showed moderate growth at end of 2019: Economy Minister – TheChronicleHerald.ca
- News24 hours ago
Health officials urge Canadians to get coronavirus information from credible sources – Global News
- Business23 hours ago
GRT strike, 'horrific' crash on Hwy. 401, 97 cats found in residence: Top stories of the week – CTV News
- Business17 hours ago
Uber driver in Surrey says he was ticketed by bylaw officers
- Health23 hours ago
Looking back: Toronto’s 2003 SARS outbreak – Global News
- Media16 hours ago
Minute Media expects to churn out more than $100m in revenue and profits in 2020