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Economy

The Coronavirus Is an Economic Pandemic

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The coronavirus now appears to be infecting economies as quickly as it does people.

An oil price war is fueling a broader, global market rout as investors are increasingly panicking over the economic impact of the COVID-19. Meanwhile, yields on long-term U.S. government debt—a port in a storm for nervous investors—fell to all-time lows, a clear indicator of a looming recession that could come more quickly than many experts feared.

Oil prices plunged about 25 percent in New York and London, dragging down stock markets in Europe and Asia. In New York, stocks fell 1,800 points within minutes of the opening bell before trading was briefly suspended, and traded well down the rest of the day, with the Dow Jones Industrial Average finishing down 2013.76 points or nearly 8 percent, the worst single-day drop since the financial crisis of 2008.

“This virus is as economically contagious as it is medically contagious,” said Richard Baldwin, a professor of international economics at the Graduate Institute in Geneva. It amounts to a triple whammy for the manufacturing sector in most major economies: outright closures in many Asian plants, supply chain disruptions all over, and topped off with a plunge in demand for cars, electronics, and many other manufactured goods as people take a wait-and-see attitude to the crisis.

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“This one is economically big, because it is now hitting the big economies,” Baldwin said. “The size of the economic shock is a different order of magnitude than any pandemic we have seen.”

The fear now gripping financial markets reflects a recognition of this growing economic impact. The coronavirus, which had already disrupted factories and trade in China and across East Asia, is now wreaking havoc in Europe. Japan’s economy shrank last quarter even more than initially thought, and Tokyo is toying with another huge fiscal stimulus to goose the economy back to life. Germany, too, is mulling a multibillion-euro economic injection to offset the worst of the crisis, while France is staring at now-stagnant growth. Italy has essentially shut down the industrial northern part of the country as cases and fatalities continue to mount, all but guaranteeing another recession. (Scratch that: Italy announced late Monday a lockdown on movement in the entire country.)

While U.S. President Donald Trump initially dismissed concern over the virus and its impacts as “fake news,” some economists are predicting that the aftershocks could send the world’s biggest economy into a recession this year. With Trump facing re-election in November, the president, Vice President Mike Pence and their advisers held a news conference after markets closed Monday to lay out further efforts to contain the virus domestically and to ease the economic pain of Americans who might be affected, including a payroll tax cut. The president said he would announce “major” measures on Tuesday after consulting with Congress.

“This blindsided the world and I think we handled it very, very well,” Trump said.

China, where the virus first broke out, seems to have passed the peak of its crisis, and economic activity is slowly returning. The concern is that other major economies, especially the United States, will see a big spike in the number of virus cases with the corresponding impacts on trade, travel, and manufacturing.

The economic fallout of the virus is making clear just how interdependent the global economy really is, despite years of efforts by Trump to partially undo globalization by forcing companies to move supply chains out of China and restricting trade in certain critical sectors. What’s not yet clear is whether the ultimate fallout of the virus will be to accelerate the breakdown of globalization, sending firms scurrying to bring manufacturing back home so as to avoid these kinds of disruptions, or just the opposite.

“In the longer run, it could encourage more populism and undo these value chains,” Baldwin said. “Or it might be that we finally understand that if somebody gets sick in China, it’s a problem for all the G-7 countries” and end up boosting multilateral cooperation and coordination, he said.

Monday’s bloodbath on global markets was a timely reminder of how the real-world economic impacts of the virus, the oil market, geopolitics, and the global market panic are all closely linked.

Because of the physical disruption to global economic activity, forecasters expect global oil consumption to decline this year, for the first time since the financial crisis a decade ago. On Monday, the International Energy Agency said it expects global oil demand to fall by almost 100,000 barrels a day—compared with expected growth of more than 800,000 barrels before the outbreak. That collapse in demand comes amid a massive oversupply of oil. “The situation we are witnessing today seems to have no equal in oil market history,” International Energy Agency Executive Director Fatih Birol said.

Last week, big oil producers, led by Saudi Arabia, thought they had found a way to limit the fallout from that declining demand by cutting oil production, which would have helped prop up prices. But Russia declined to go along with the production cuts, preferring to inflict pain on the still-growing U.S. oil industry instead. Once that Saudi-Russian agreement broke down on Friday, all bets were off: Over the weekend, Saudi Arabia dramatically cut the sales price of its own oil exports, sending the price of oil down as much as 30 percent in overnight trading, which in turn scared the pants off markets in Asia, Europe, and finally the United States, which in turn sent investors fleeing toward safe debt like U.S. Treasury bonds.

Russia’s refusal to go along with the cuts makes some sense from Moscow’s point of view. Russia has squirrelled away about $150 billion in a rainy-day fund, and officials on Monday said that would enable the country to weather as much as six years of oil prices below the $42 a barrel or so that Moscow needs to balance its budget. And by ensuring that oil prices fall, Russia could take a swipe at the U.S. oil patch, which is uniquely vulnerable this year after spending years running up debt and which is running out of ways to improve productivity, leaving it more exposed to falling prices.

More to the point, from Russia’s perch: The U.S. shale energy boom is what has enabled recent U.S. administrations to wage more aggressive financial warfare through sanctions, including against Russia and regimes it supports, such as Venezuela. Sanctions on Venezuelan or Iranian oil would in the past have led to higher global oil prices, but rising U.S. production kept that threat at bay—tempting first the Obama administration and now the Trump administration to use sanctions much more often. Ditto for the shale gas boom, which has turned the United States into an exporter of natural gas and a potential alternative to Russian supplies in Europe. The shale gale makes it that much easier for Washington to threaten sanctions on Russia’s big Nord Stream 2 pipeline to Germany, for instance.

Understanding Saudi Arabia’s plan to slash prices and ramp up production is a little trickier. Like Russia, it bristled at competition from U.S. oil producers and wasn’t happy that its rivals would benefit from higher oil prices bought with its own sacrifices. But prices were already sliding after OPEC failed to reach an agreement last week; it’s not clear that starting an all-out price war will make Russia regret its decision to ditch Saudi cooperation last week at the OPEC meeting and sign on to a fresh pact to curb output.

“If the goal is to shock Russia with weak oil prices in order to drag Moscow back to the table, we think it will fail,” noted Amrita Sen, the chief oil analyst at Energy Aspects, a consultancy, in a note. “This new Saudi approach will only harden Russia’s position.”

The move is another risky gambit from Saudi Arabia’s de facto leader, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Saudi Arabia needs crude prices closer to $80 a barrel to balance its budget. It’s also got fewer currency reserves and more public spending than it did in 2014, the last time OPEC crashed oil prices to drive out U.S. rivals.

“Saudi Arabia can afford to wait out low oil prices. But, there is little to suggest that Riyadh is in a better position now than in 2014 to absorb sustained low prices,” said Torbjorn Soltvedt, the principal Middle East and North Africa analyst at Verisk Maplecroft, a risk consultancy.

And lower oil prices will also mean more economic pain for other big producers, from Iraq to Mexico to Brazil.

But the immediate pain was felt in the U.S. oil patch, where shares in many energy companies fell by nearly half on Monday, outstripping even the wider carnage in the rest of the market. With oil prices headed lower, some producers wasted no time in announcing cuts to drilling and production plans. Most analysts expect a wave of bankruptcies and restructuring to tear through the U.S. shale sector if low oil prices persist—which could end up being an economic black eye for Trump in traditionally red states in an election year.

This article was updated Mar. 9, 2020 to reflect the broadening of the Italian lockdown and the announcement from the White House.

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Germans Debate Longer Hours and Later Retirement as Economic Growth Falters – Bloomberg

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German politicians and business leaders, despairing a weak economy, are lately broaching a once taboo topic: claiming their compatriots don’t work enough. They may have a point.

German Finance Minister Christian Lindner fired the latest salvo in this fractious debate last week when he said that “in Italy, France and elsewhere they work a lot more than we do.” Economy Minister Robert Habeck, a Green Party representative, grumbled in March about workers striking, something a country beset by labor shortages “cannot afford.” (Later that month train drivers secured a 35-hour workweek instead of 38, for the same pay.) Signaling his opposition to a four-day work week, Deutsche Bank AG Chief Executive Officer Christian Sewing in January urged Germans “to work more and work harder.”

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Canada will take bigger economic hit than U.S. if Trump wins election: report – Global News

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Canada stands to bear a greater economic burden than the United States if Donald Trump wins the upcoming presidential election and imposes promised tax cuts and tariffs on all U.S. imports, a new report warns.

The analysis released Tuesday by Scotiabank Economics says if Trump returns to the White House and follows through on his vow to slap a 10-per cent tariff on all imported goods — with the exception of China, which would face a 60-per cent carve-out on its U.S. exports — and countries retaliate with their own, there would be “substantial negative impacts” on the U.S. economy. GDP would likely fall by more than two per cent by 2027 relative to current forecasts, while inflation would rise 1.5 per cent, leading to a two per cent interest rate hike.

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In Canada, the economic impact would be even more stark with an expected GDP drop of 3.6 per cent, given its reliance on trade with the U.S. Inflation and interest rates would also be pushed up for the next two years — 1.7 per cent and 190 basis points, respectively — the report suggests.

“What Trump is looking to do is much broader, and much more concerning, than the tariffs he imposed during his first term,” said Scotiabank’s chief economist Jean-François Perrault, who authored the report.


Click to play video: 'Canada speaking with Trump allies in U.S. to prepare for possible second term: Ambassador Hillman'

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Canada speaking with Trump allies in U.S. to prepare for possible second term: Ambassador Hillman


The report also serves as another reminder that Canada needs to urgently address its issues with lagging productivity, warning the problem makes Canada more vulnerable to economic shocks brought by trade policy changes in the U.S. and abroad.

Perrault says it’s far too late to fix the problem in time for the U.S. election in November.

“It takes a long time to change direction on productivity,” he said in an interview. “Maybe you can make up some ground over the next few quarters, but we need massive amounts of progress to get to where we need to be (to withstand U.S. economic shocks).”

Trump’s policies seen as more likely than Biden’s

Although the analysis examined the impact of policies proposed by both Trump and U.S. President Joe Biden, it focuses more on the fallout from Trump’s promises.


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That’s because they’re not only more potentially harmful, Perrault said, but also because they’re more likely to be implemented than Biden’s vow to raise the corporate tax rate.

“There’s really no appetite in the U.S. right now for any kind of tax hike,” Perrault said.

Implementing a change to the corporate tax rate would require Biden’s Democrat party to control both chambers of Congress — a scenario seen as highly unlikely, given recent polling. Trump’s proposals, meanwhile, are seen as more likely to be implemented quickly and without congressional approval, particularly his expanded tariffs.

During his presidency, Trump imposed tariffs on about US$50 billion worth of Chinese goods imported to the U.S., later expanding to another US$300 billion, sparking a trade war with China. Many of those tariffs have remained in place under the Biden administration.

Trump also slapped tariffs up to 25 per cent on imported washing machines, solar panels, steel and aluminum in 2018. Canada and Mexico were later exempted from the steel and aluminum tariffs in 2019, although the Canadian aluminum tariff was briefly reintroduced in 2020.


Click to play video: '‘No guarantees’ in trading relationship with Trump administration, Freeland says'

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‘No guarantees’ in trading relationship with Trump administration, Freeland says


U.S. government data shows those tariffs — none of which were legislated or approved by Congress — have cost American manufacturers more than US$230 billion as of March 2024 and have shrunk the U.S. economy by 0.3 per cent.

Trump has repeatedly claimed tariffs serve to punish unfair trade practices from other countries, despite agreement among economists that they raise prices for American consumers, and says he wants to expand them to 10 per cent on all imported goods from every country if he wins in November. He has also said he will seek a 100 per cent tariff on imported cars, and carve out a 60 per cent tariff for Chinese imports specifically.

The most likely scenario — a continuation of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts beyond their 2025 expiration combined with across-the-board tariffs — would see Canada’s GDP stay three per cent lower long-term, and just over one-per cent lower in the U.S.

The Scotiabank report says the economic harm from the tariffs can be reduced on both sides of the Canada-U.S. border if Canada and Mexico negotiate an exemption with the U.S. under the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA), which replaced the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) during the Trump administration.

Scotiabank predicts in that scenario, Canada’s GDP would only fall by 1.4 per cent in the short term — half the drop forecast without an exemption — and 0.3 per cent in the long term, while U.S. GDP would fall 1.7 per cent and 1.2 per cent, respectively.

Perrault says he’s “hopeful” such a carve-out could be negotiated, even though Trump would likely insist on further concessions that benefit U.S. trade. That “bigger stick” approach could be somewhat limited compared to the contentious CUSMA negotiations, however.

“Trump owns CUSMA, so he wouldn’t be in as much of a position to throw it away,” he said. “So maybe we get a little bit of a break.”


Click to play video: 'Trudeau says Canada to remain the same as previous Trump term in office, should former president return in 2024'

1:59
Trudeau says Canada to remain the same as previous Trump term in office, should former president return in 2024


The report also examines the impact of Trump’s repeated vow to mass deport roughly 10 million undocumented immigrants living illegally in the U.S., which Perrault admits would be “politically and logistically infeasible.” It would also be economically harmful, the analysis found, permanently reducing both U.S. employment and GDP by three per cent, though the impact on Canada would be negligible.

The analysis says Canada and the U.S. could see additional economic impacts due to a number of scenarios it didn’t explore, including China retaliating to tariffs by unloading its U.S. Treasury holdings; further debt ceiling and budgetary crises in the U.S.; Trump’s appeasement of aggressive foreign adversaries like Russia and China; and domestic civil disorder regardless of who wins the U.S. elections.

Perrault said the findings also underscore the key difference between Trump and Biden as Canadian trade partners.

“Biden seems to view negotiations from a collaborative approach: how can everyone come away with a win?” he said. “Trump doesn’t see it that way. He’s very much in the mindset of, ‘How will this benefit me?’”

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Economy

'We need a miracle' – Israeli and Palestinian economies battered by war – BBC.com

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Jerusalem streets
Jerusalem’s Old City should be teeming with visitors at this time of the year

More than six months into the devastating Gaza war, its impact on the Israeli and Palestinian economies has been huge.

Nearly all economic activity in Gaza has been wiped out and the World Bank says the war has also hit Palestinian businesses in the occupied West Bank hard.

As Israelis mark the Jewish festival of Passover, the much-vaunted “start-up nation” is also trying to remain an attractive proposition for investors.

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The cobbled streets of Jerusalem’s Old City are eerily quiet. There are none of the long queues to visit the holy sites – at least those that remain open.

Just after Easter and Ramadan and right in the middle of Passover, all four quarters of the Old City should be teeming with visitors.

Just 68,000 tourists arrived in Israel in February, according to the country’s Central Bureau of Statistics. That’s down massively from 319,100 visitors in the same month last year.

While it may be surprising that any visitors pass through Jerusalem at a time of such tension, many of those who do are religious pilgrims from across the globe who will have paid for their journeys well in advance.

Zak’s Jerusalem Gifts was one of only a handful of stores on Christian Quarter Street in the Old City, which is situated in occupied East Jerusalem, to have bothered opening up on the day I passed by.

“We’re only really doing online sales,” says Zak, whose business specialises in antiques and biblical coins.

“There are no actual people. The last week, after the Iran-Israel escalation, business dropped down again. So we are just hoping that after the holidays some big major miracle will happen.”

It’s not just in Jerusalem’s Old City that they need a miracle.

Some 250km (150 miles) further north, on Israel’s volatile border with Lebanon, almost daily exchanges of fire with Hezbollah since the war in Gaza began have forced the Israeli army to close much of the area and 80,000 residents have been evacuated further south. A similar number of Lebanese have been forced to leave their homes on the other side of the border.

Agriculture in this part of Israel is another economic sector that has been hit hard.

Ofer “Poshko” Moskovitz isn’t really permitted to enter his avocado orchard in the kibbutz of Misgav Am because of its proximity to the border. But he occasionally ventures in anyway, walking wistfully among the trees, to gaze at all of his “money falling on the ground”.

“I must go to pick in the orchard because it’s very important for the next season,” Poshko says. “If I don’t pick this fruit, the next season will be a very poor one.”

He says he is losing a lot of money because he can’t pick the avocados – around 2m shekels ($530,000; £430,000) this season, he says.

An Israeli avocado picker
Israeli agriculture is another part of the economy hit hard by the war

Although they provide a living for thousands of people, agriculture and tourism account for relatively small parts of both the Israeli or Palestinian economies.

So what does the wider picture show?

Last week ratings agency S&P Global cut Israel’s long-term ratings (to A-plus from AA-minus) reflecting a loss of market confidence after increased tensions between Israel and Iran and concerns the war in Gaza could spread across the wider Middle East.

That loss of confidence was also reflected in falling Israeli GDP – the total value of goods and services produced in the economy – which decreased by 5.7% in the last quarter of 2023. Many Israelis though say the country’s renowned high-tech and start-up sector is proving to be more “war-proof” than expected.

The coastal city of Tel Aviv is only 54km from Jerusalem. More pertinently, perhaps, it’s less than 70km from Gaza.

At times, you’d be forgiven for forgetting – however momentarily – that Israel is embroiled in its longest war since independence in 1948.

people enjoy the beach in tel aviv, 23 april
People in Tel Aviv enjoying the beach

Families make the most of the early summer sun to play in the surf, couples eat lunch in the many open-air beach restaurants and young people strum away on guitars on the green spaces between the coastal road and the Mediterranean.

The backdrop is a city that is economically active and physically growing fast.

“They joke that Israel’s national bird should be the crane – the mechanical kind!” says Jon Medved, founder and CEO of the online global venture investment platform Our Crowd.

An engaging character with an overwhelmingly upbeat view of his world, Medved tells me that, “in the first quarter of this year, almost $2bn was invested in Israeli start-ups… We’re having one of the best years we’ve ever had. People who are engaged with Israel are not disengaging.”

Medved insists that, despite everything, Israel is still the “start-up nation” and a good option for would-be investors.

“There are 400 multinational corporations that have operations here. Not a single multinational, has closed its operation in Israel since the war.”

To an extent, Elise Brezis agrees with Mr Medved’s assessment.

The economics professor at Bar-Ilan University near Tel Aviv acknowledges that despite the last quarter’s GDP figures, Israel’s economy remains “remarkably resilient”.

“When it comes to tourism, yes, we have a reduction in exports. But we had also reduction in imports,” says Brezis. “So in fact, the balance of payments is still okay. That’s what is so problematic is that from the data, you don’t really feel that there is such a terrible situation in Israel.”

But Prof Brezis detects a wider malaise in Israeli society that isn’t reflected in economic data.

“Israel’s economy might be robust, but Israeli society is not robust right now. It’s like looking at a person and saying, ‘Wow, his salary is high,’ […] but in fact he’s depressed. And he’s thinking, ‘What will I do with my life?’ – That’s exactly Israel today.”

If the outlook in Israel is mixed, then across the separation barrier that divides Jerusalem and Bethlehem the view from the Palestinian side is overwhelmingly bleak.

deserted area outside church of nativity, bethlehem, 11 oct 2023
Tourism to the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem “stopped immediately” after Hamas attacked Israel last October

Tourism is especially important to the economies of towns like Bethlehem in the occupied West Bank.

While some people are still heading to Jerusalem’s sites, in the place where Christians believe Jesus was born tourism “stopped immediately” after 7 October last year, says Dr Samir Hazboun, chairman of Bethlehem’s Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

That’s when Hamas attacked Israeli communities near Gaza, killing about 1,200 people, mainly civilians, taking about 250 hostages and sparking the current war.

There’s huge dependence and reliance on Israel’s economy here – but Israel virtually closed off the landlocked West Bank after 7 October and this has had a disastrous impact on the life and work of many Palestinians, Dr Hazboun says.

“The Bethlehem governorate right now is closed,” he says. “There are around 43 gates [in the Israeli security barrier] but only three are open. So with between 16,000 and 20,000 Palestinian workers from our area working in Israel, immediately, they lost their income.”

The chamber of commerce says that the revenues from local Palestinians working in Israel amounted to 22bn shekels ($5.8bn) annually.

“You can imagine the impact on the economy,” says Dr Hazboun, who is particularly concerned for the prospects for younger Palestinians the longer the war continues and more the Israeli and West Bank economies decouple.

“The younger generation now are jobless, they are not working. Many of them are talented people,” he laments.

“In June I’m expecting around 30,000 new graduates from the Palestinian universities. What they will do?

In Gaza itself the economy has been completely destroyed by six months of war. Israel’s relentless aerial bombardment and ground operations have killed 34,183 people, mostly women and children, according to the Hamas-run health ministry.

Unlike in some parts of Israel, where there is optimism around being able to ride out the storm and continue attracting investors, in the West Bank and Gaza there is little hope things will return to any kind of normal.

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