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Economy

The federal climate plan provides the clarity that Canada’s economy needs – The Globe and Mail

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Grant Bishop is associate director, research at the C.D. Howe Institute. He lives in Calgary.

The horse is out of the stable. Earlier this month, the federal government announced its plan for meeting Canada’s targets for greenhouse gas emissions under the Paris Agreement, the centrepiece of which is a carbon price of $170 per tonne of greenhouse gas emissions in 2030. Ottawa also announced that it will explore using border carbon adjustments to address “carbon leakage,” and will forgo a Clean Fuel Standard for gaseous fuels.

To those who are suspicious of Ottawa, this plan may feel like a jab at Canada’s beleaguered petroleum industry. And to be sure, the painful adjustments involved should not be downplayed. Based on today’s engineering, a $170-per-tonne carbon price would mean much higher costs for oil sands producers or gas-fired electricity generation. It would mean higher costs for heating homes with natural gas or buying gasoline.

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But hard as it may be to swallow for many, this plan is exactly what Canada needs.

Uncertainty around national emissions policy has long loomed as an economic threat to Canada. The plan provides our energy producers and consumers with a clear and credible path for future carbon pricing. It provides a partial remedy for mounting international concerns around Alberta’s oil sands. Global investors now see a credible projection for Canada to meet its Paris targets at this price, and investors and creditors can more confidently estimate the compliance costs facing companies and specific assets.

Technology, meanwhile, has transformed how we move, live and work, and it will continue to do so. What was impossible yesterday can become commonplace tomorrow. And innovation responds to incentives – such as a carbon price.

By announcing the trajectory for carbon pricing, Ottawa has anchored expectations. This helps companies and households make informed decisions about new investments or retrofits. Knowing the future price, companies can build business plans for transformations to reduce emissions. Engineers can propose new designs and calculate the savings these will yield.

The alternative to carbon pricing is regulating emissions from each and every activity. This runs the risk of government picking winners and losers based on political expedience or lobbying. Instead, in this climate plan, the federal government has largely chosen market forces over central planning.

This good feature nevertheless comes with important caveats.

First, the federal government should publish its greenhouse gas projections and energy-use assumptions for each sub-sector and province. A carbon price of $170 per tonne by 2030 roughly aligns with estimates by the Parliamentary Budget Office and EcoFiscal Commission for meeting Canada’s Paris targets. But Ottawa should allow us to peer under the hood and kick the tires on its modelling.

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For earlier projections, Environment and Climate Change Canada published detailed data tables. The projections that undergird Ottawa’s strategy should also be an open book, because more information helps markets work better.

Second, Ottawa did the right thing by kiboshing the Clean Fuel Standard (CFS) for gaseous fuels. Natural gas is much less carbon-intensive than liquid fuels, and an economy-wide carbon price is a better way of rationing natural gas use. The framework around carbon pricing also provides greater flexibility to offset impacts on households and trade-exposed industries that use natural gas.

Ottawa also published draft regulations for the CFS for liquids fuels last Friday. The “Liquids CFS” will create a market for reducing emissions, and specified activities (e.g., carbon capture and sequestration, substituting biofuels, or recharging electric vehicles) will generate credits. Fuel suppliers need credits to comply with prescribed reductions in the carbon intensity of a given liquid fuel (e.g., gasoline or diesel), and to work efficiently, the market will need good information. Indeed, the volatility of prices for credits under British Columbia’s Low Carbon Fuel Standard – which ranged from $33/tonne to $324/tonne during 2019 – reflects how large information gaps surround supply and demand in this market. The market for Liquids CFS credits will need much better disclosure.

Third, Ottawa must address carbon leakage. Border carbon adjustments (BCAs) involve imposing tariffs on the embedded emissions in imports and rebating carbon levies to exporters (analogous to GST rebates on exports). In this way, BCAs level the playing field between domestic and foreign producers. Ottawa’s contemplation of BCAs follows statements that the European Union and U.S. president-elect Joe Biden will pursue such measures.

Conceptually, BCAs are permissible under international trade law, but implementing BCAs is complex in practice. For example, for BCAs to comply with WTO rules, Canada would likely need to phase out the current pricing system for large emitters. As well, establishing default carbon intensities for each imported product and origin country will be data-intensive and difficult. Finally, unless Ottawa exclusively collects revenues from pricing carbon, the federal government would face fiscal and administrative challenges for rebating carbon levies to exporters.

But even though it is an imperfect work-in-progress, the federal climate plan crucially and positively clarifies how Canada plans to achieve the Paris emissions targets. Ottawa has now provided a road map for businesses and households, but the real work remains ahead.

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Economy

China Wants Everyone to Trade In Their Old Cars, Fridges to Help Save Its Economy – Bloomberg

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China’s world-beating electric vehicle industry, at the heart of growing trade tensions with the US and Europe, is set to receive a big boost from the government’s latest effort to accelerate growth.

That’s one takeaway from what Beijing has revealed about its plan for incentives that will encourage Chinese businesses and households to adopt cleaner technologies. It’s widely expected to be one of this year’s main stimulus programs, though question-marks remain — including how much the government will spend.

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German Business Outlook Hits One-Year High as Economy Heals – BNN Bloomberg

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(Bloomberg) — German business sentiment improved to its highest level in a year — reinforcing recent signs that Europe’s largest economy is exiting two years of struggles.

An expectations gauge by the Ifo institute rose to 89.9. in April from a revised 87.7 the previous month. That exceeds the 88.9 median forecast in a Bloomberg survey. A measure of current conditions also advanced.

“Sentiment has improved at companies in Germany,” Ifo President Clemens Fuest said. “Companies were more satisfied with their current business. Their expectations also brightened. The economy is stabilizing, especially thanks to service providers.”

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A stronger global economy and the prospect of looser monetary policy in the euro zone are helping drag Germany out of the malaise that set in following Russia’s attack on Ukraine. European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde said last week that the country may have “turned the corner,” while Chancellor Olaf Scholz has also expressed optimism, citing record employment and retreating inflation.

There’s been a particular shift in the data in recent weeks, with the Bundesbank now estimating that output rose in the first quarter, having only a month ago foreseen a contraction that would have ushered in a first recession since the pandemic.

Even so, the start of the year “didn’t go great,” according to Fuest. 

“What we’re seeing at the moment confirms the forecasts, which are saying that growth will be weak in Germany, but at least it won’t be negative,” he told Bloomberg Television. “So this is the stabilization we expected. It’s not a complete recovery. But at least it’s a start.”

Monthly purchasing managers’ surveys for April brought more cheer this week as Germany returned to expansion for the first time since June 2023. Weak spots remain, however — notably in industry, which is still mired in a slump that’s being offset by a surge in services activity.

“We see an improving worldwide economy,” Fuest said. “But this doesn’t seem to reach German manufacturing, which is puzzling in a way.”

Germany, which was the only Group of Seven economy to shrink last year and has been weighing on the wider region, helped private-sector output in the 20-nation euro area strengthen this month, S&P Global said.

–With assistance from Joel Rinneby, Kristian Siedenburg and Francine Lacqua.

(Updates with more comments from Fuest starting in sixth paragraph.)

©2024 Bloomberg L.P.

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Parallel economy: How Russia is defying the West’s boycott

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When Moscow resident Zoya, 62, was planning a trip to Italy to visit her daughter last August, she saw the perfect opportunity to buy the Apple Watch she had long dreamed of owning.

Officially, Apple does not sell its products in Russia.

The California-based tech giant was one of the first companies to announce it would exit the country in response to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022.

But the week before her trip, Zoya made a surprise discovery while browsing Yandex.Market, one of several Russian answers to Amazon, where she regularly shops.

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Not only was the Apple Watch available for sale on the website, it was cheaper than in Italy.

Zoya bought the watch without a moment’s delay.

The serial code on the watch that was delivered to her home confirmed that it was manufactured by Apple in 2022 and intended for sale in the United States.

“In the store, they explained to me that these are genuine Apple products entering Russia through parallel imports,” Zoya, who asked to be only referred to by her first name, told Al Jazeera.

“I thought it was much easier to buy online than searching for a store in an unfamiliar country.”

Nearly 1,400 companies, including many of the most internationally recognisable brands, have since February 2022 announced that they would cease or dial back their operations in Russia in protest of Moscow’s military aggression against Ukraine.

But two years after the invasion, many of these companies’ products are still widely sold in Russia, in many cases in violation of Western-led sanctions, a months-long investigation by Al Jazeera has found.

Aided by the Russian government’s legalisation of parallel imports, Russian businesses have established a network of alternative supply chains to import restricted goods through third countries.

The companies that make the products have been either unwilling or unable to clamp down on these unofficial distribution networks.

 

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