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The Politics of Beauty in “After Yang” – The New Yorker

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The Politics of Beauty in “After Yang”

In “After Yang,” the title character (Justin H. Min) is an android who has, owing to distracted parents, become a primary caregiver for Mika (Malea Emma Tjandrawidjaja).Photograph by Linda Kallerus / Courtesy A24

Comparisons between Kogonada’s new film, “After Yang,” and his earlier one, “Columbus,” are inevitable, and their differences obscure the big idea that unites them. “After Yang” is a science-fiction film, set in a vague future time at an unspecified place, seemingly in the United States; its title character is an android, or “technosapien.” “Columbus,” his first feature, from 2017, is set in its own present day, in the real-life city of Columbus, Indiana, and centered on a young woman played by Haley Lu Richardson. “After Yang” is a synthetic work of dystopian imagination, and “Columbus” is a carefully realistic view of its place and time. Nonetheless, the two films are propelled by the same impulse: the artistic basis of mental life, the politics of aesthetics.

In “After Yang,” based on a short story by Alexander Weinstein, a suburban couple, Kyra (Jodie Turner-Smith) and Jake (Colin Farrell), are raising their young daughter, Mika (Malea Emma Tjandrawidjaja) with the help of an android named Yang (Justin H. Min), whose function is specific. Mika has been adopted from China; neither Kyra nor Jake is Chinese. (She is Black, and he is white.) The couple purchases Yang, a “cultural techno” who is meant to appear Chinese and is filled with knowledge about China, to give Mika a grounding in the culture of her native country. But Yang has a technical failure, and he does the techno equivalent of dying—his humanoid skin will even begin to decompose. Because Mika is very attached to Yang, Jake doesn’t want to trade in the android and hopes to find a way to repair him.

It’s not so easy: to save money, Jake bought Yang used, from a third-party vender, not from the official source, which is a company called Brothers and Sisters. An official repair center can’t help—it’s forbidden to tinker with a techno’s “black box”—but Jake finds an outlaw repairman, a technician named Russ (Ritchie Coster) who has the air of a rebel, and who agrees to break into Yang (thereby breaking the law) and recover his memory—not least because, as he reveals to Jake, this memory is “spyware,” and if Brothers and Sisters recycles the android, “they’ll have so much data on your family it will make your head spin.” The family even refers to Yang as Mika’s “brother”—her big brother, after all. By bringing a friendly companion for their daughter into the household, Jake and Kyra have made themselves the subjects of constant and covert surveillance.

Big Brother is watching them, and Russ, who has an American flag on his wall that’s stencilled with the slogan “Ain’t no yellow in the red white and blue” and a poster emblazoned with the phrase “Yellow peril,” is the one who lets them know. Russ could be a paranoiac, a nationalist, or a racist—or he could just be doing his part for privacy, freedom, and independence. (The main weakness of “After Yang” is its failure to evoke the politics of its constructed future; it only teases.) Russ also provides an aesthetic contrast with the family’s way of life. The future, according to the movie, will be sleek: the family’s home has large glass walls and sliding doors, it’s spare and dark and lustrous, and its sharp lines and muted tones are matched by the corporate bareness of the official service center, the pristine luminosity of the driverless, capsule-like car in which the family gets around, and the tunnels in which the car quietly glides. Russ’s shop, by contrast, is a home of clutter; it could be a garage workshop from now or from the nineteen-fifties, overflowing with spare parts and tools in compartments of rough old wood amid décor that feels handmade or scrounged. “After Yang” is unclear about the basic issue of the adoption, by non-Chinese Americans, of Chinese children, and about any political connections between the U.S. and China that it implies. Yet whatever the specific futuristic politics underlying the sense of ambient espionage and official intrusion, the movie’s world of high design and pure functional efficiency is part and parcel of some kind of oppression and danger.

In “After Yang,” the characters are living in a soft techno-fascism of petty pleasures and alluring surfaces that Kogonada boldly, slyly renders appealing. Near the beginning of the film, he offers a sequence of the central family and other families competing, from home, in a synchronized-dance competition (like an interactive Dance Dance Revolution) that’s as amusing in its set of playful movements as it is chilling in its imposed uniformity and the surveillance technology on which it depends. The synthesized video voice that’s monitoring them at home flatly declares “three thousand families eliminated . . . nine thousand families eliminated,” intones the dance steps that they’re required to copy (“collect the TNT . . . detonate . . . earthquake . . . tornado time”), and kicks out the losers as “terminated.” (The family knows that Yang is broken when, after their termination, he nonetheless keeps on dancing—a mechanical failure that resembles an act of disobedience.) The near-delight of the frighteningly uniform and supervised dance is both an enticement and a threat, as is the hermetic gleam of the family’s pristine driverless car and the methodically cool, frictionless, and impulse-free behavior that seems to be the imposed or internalized standard of social life.

The surfaces, the design, the lighting, and the movements of the characters are, indeed, beautiful—Kogonada has an eye, a sensibility—but, in “After Yang,” he calls attention to his own inclinations, rendering his own sense of beauty self-consciously seductive and potentially suspect, and making the film’s viewers complicit in the oppressive power of such beauty. The point is made clear by way of comparison to the role of beauty in “Columbus,” set in a small city that teems with great modern architecture. The young woman at the center of the film, Casey, has grown up amid a trove of architectural masterworks, and her enthusiastic attention to it has expanded and refined her sensibility. The film’s drama involves her encounter with a middle-aged South Korean intellectual, Jin Lee (John Cho), who helps to awaken her nascent passion for architecture and to find a practical way of developing it. (Like Jin Lee, Kogonada is Korean.) For Kogonada, beauty isn’t an absolute value because it’s not a linear value, not merely a matter of audiovisual gratification; it’s multidimensional and experiential, and it demands no mere swoon of delight but an introspective self-questioning and a leap of imagination.

The education that Casey gets from the complex and civic-minded buildings by such architects as I. M. Pei and Eero Saarinen is altogether different from the impersonal gloss of corporate-dictated design and the corporate manners that issue from it. Where “Columbus” presents great architecture as a living academy of sensibility, a way of seeing life as well as art, “After Yang” shows how easily the taste for beauty can be tainted, subverted, distorted, and abused by the powers that be. The very function of Yang in the family is both soothing and chilling: as Kyra and Jake acknowledge, his teachings appear principally in the form of “Chinese fun facts.” Yet Yang’s role in Mika’s life has been amplified by her parents’ distractedness, by Kyra’s long hours in an unspecified corporate job and Jake’s long hours trying to keep his tea shop afloat. As a result, the android has become not just an occasional babysitter and a source of some bland simulacrum of culture but the child’s primary caregiver. Mika’s devotion to him is apparent—and it’s her attachment to him that drives the story and prompts Jake to take exceptional measures to revive him. The results of those exceptional measures, the extraction of Yang’s memory to keep it out of the hands of the nefarious company, bump the movie into another dimension of drama and another realm of ideas.

Yang’s memory is on a chip that Jake manages to plug into his V.R. glasses. (They resemble ordinary granny glasses with opaque lenses.) Not to leap too far into spoilers, but the shards of memory that Yang preserved reflect his own devotion to Mika. Kogonada dramatically aestheticizes the android’s memories, evoking them through a three-dimensional array of lights that resemble stars. They reveal that, contrary to all that one might assume about a robot, Yang has a complex emotional life that reaches far beyond the vocabulary with which he can describe it. What’s more, his emotional attachments extend to another adopted Chinese child, who was part of the family that first owned Yang, and also to a young woman named Ada (played by Haley Lu Richardson), who is a clone—a category of person against whom Jake (and seemingly not Jake alone) is prejudiced. (There’s a museum of “technos” that puts the remains of nonfunctioning ones on display. It resembles, above all, the horrific “Bodies” exhibit at the South Street Seaport in the early two thousands that displayed dissected and plastinated cadavers imported from China.)

“After Yang” hardly considers the horror of a sentient humanoid such as Yang being treated as property, doesn’t address the appalling social and emotional conditioning of children such as Mika by the fact of “owning” a “big brother,” and doesn’t consider the civic status of clones such as Ada. But the movie nonetheless points in these directions, suggesting the cruelty and corruption of a society in which these matters are even questions. As Jake comes to terms with the richness and intensity of Yang’s emotional life, he learns both of Yang’s essential humanity and his own. He watches Yang’s memories as if they were, on the one hand, home movies from the family, and, on the other, Yang’s own home movies from outside the family. Yang is very attached to an old-school 35-mm. S.L.R. camera, with which he takes still photos, but his memories, recorded not on film with a camera but on a chip with his lens-like eyes, are, in effect, the highest form of personal cinema. These images are undesigned and casually composed, but their beauty, born of love, is of an altogether higher sort. Far beyond fun facts or technological origins, Yang’s recordings are the art of identity.

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‘Disgraceful:’ N.S. Tory leader slams school’s request that military remove uniform

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia Premier Tim Houston says it’s “disgraceful and demeaning” that a Halifax-area school would request that service members not wear military uniforms to its Remembrance Day ceremony.

Houston’s comments were part of a chorus of criticism levelled at the school — Sackville Heights Elementary — whose administration decided to back away from the plan after the outcry.

A November newsletter from the school in Middle Sackville, N.S., invited Armed Forces members to attend its ceremony but asked that all attendees arrive in civilian attire to “maintain a welcoming environment for all.”

Houston, who is currently running for re-election, accused the school’s leaders of “disgracing themselves while demeaning the people who protect our country” in a post on the social media platform X Thursday night.

“If the people behind this decision had a shred of the courage that our veterans have, this cowardly and insulting idea would have been rejected immediately,” Houston’s post read. There were also several calls for resignations within the school’s administration attached to Houston’s post.

In an email to families Thursday night, the school’s principal, Rachael Webster, apologized and welcomed military family members to attend “in the attire that makes them most comfortable.”

“I recognize this request has caused harm and I am deeply sorry,” Webster’s email read, adding later that the school has the “utmost respect for what the uniform represents.”

Webster said the initial request was out of concern for some students who come from countries experiencing conflict and who she said expressed discomfort with images of war, including military uniforms.

Her email said any students who have concerns about seeing Armed Forces members in uniform can be accommodated in a way that makes them feel safe, but she provided no further details in the message.

Webster did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

At a news conference Friday, Houston said he’s glad the initial request was reversed but said he is still concerned.

“I can’t actually fathom how a decision like that was made,” Houston told reporters Friday, adding that he grew up moving between military bases around the country while his father was in the Armed Forces.

“My story of growing up in a military family is not unique in our province. The tradition of service is something so many of us share,” he said.

“Saying ‘lest we forget’ is a solemn promise to the fallen. It’s our commitment to those that continue to serve and our commitment that we will pass on our respects to the next generation.”

Liberal Leader Zach Churchill also said he’s happy with the school’s decision to allow uniformed Armed Forces members to attend the ceremony, but he said he didn’t think it was fair to question the intentions of those behind the original decision.

“We need to have them (uniforms) on display at Remembrance Day,” he said. “Not only are we celebrating (veterans) … we’re also commemorating our dead who gave the greatest sacrifice for our country and for the freedoms we have.”

NDP Leader Claudia Chender said that while Remembrance Day is an important occasion to honour veterans and current service members’ sacrifices, she said she hopes Houston wasn’t taking advantage of the decision to “play politics with this solemn occasion for his own political gain.”

“I hope Tim Houston reached out to the principal of the school before making a public statement,” she said in a statement.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Saskatchewan NDP’s Beck holds first caucus meeting after election, outlines plans

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REGINA – Saskatchewan Opposition NDP Leader Carla Beck says she wants to prove to residents her party is the government in waiting as she heads into the incoming legislative session.

Beck held her first caucus meeting with 27 members, nearly double than what she had before the Oct. 28 election but short of the 31 required to form a majority in the 61-seat legislature.

She says her priorities will be health care and cost-of-living issues.

Beck says people need affordability help right now and will press Premier Scott Moe’s Saskatchewan Party government to cut the gas tax and the provincial sales tax on children’s clothing and some grocery items.

Beck’s NDP is Saskatchewan’s largest Opposition in nearly two decades after sweeping Regina and winning all but one seat in Saskatoon.

The Saskatchewan Party won 34 seats, retaining its hold on all of the rural ridings and smaller cities.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 8, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Nova Scotia election: Liberals say province’s immigration levels are too high

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HALIFAX – Nova Scotia‘s growing population was the subject of debate on Day 12 of the provincial election campaign, with Liberal Leader Zach Churchill arguing immigration levels must be reduced until the province can provide enough housing and health-care services.

Churchill said Thursday a plan by the incumbent Progressive Conservatives to double the province’s population to two million people by the year 2060 is unrealistic and unsustainable.

“That’s a big leap and it’s making life harder for people who live here, (including ) young people looking for a place to live and seniors looking to downsize,” he told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

Anticipating that his call for less immigration might provoke protests from the immigrant community, Churchill was careful to note that he is among the third generation of a family that moved to Nova Scotia from Lebanon.

“I know the value of immigration, the importance of it to our province. We have been built on the backs of an immigrant population. But we just need to do it in a responsible way.”

The Liberal leader said Tim Houston’s Tories, who are seeking a second term in office, have made a mistake by exceeding immigration targets set by the province’s Department of Labour and Immigration. Churchill said a Liberal government would abide by the department’s targets.

In the most recent fiscal year, the government welcomed almost 12,000 immigrants through its nominee program, exceeding the department’s limit by more than 4,000, he said. The numbers aren’t huge, but the increase won’t help ease the province’s shortages in housing and doctors, and the increased strain on its infrastructure, including roads, schools and cellphone networks, Churchill said.

“(The Immigration Department) has done the hard work on this,” he said. “They know where the labour gaps are, and they know what growth is sustainable.”

In response, Houston said his commitment to double the population was a “stretch goal.” And he said the province had long struggled with a declining population before that trend was recently reversed.

“The only immigration that can come into this province at this time is if they are a skilled trade worker or a health-care worker,” Houston said. “The population has grown by two per cent a year, actually quite similar growth to what we experienced under the Liberal government before us.”

Still, Houston said he’s heard Nova Scotians’ concerns about population growth, and he then pivoted to criticize Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for trying to send 6,000 asylum seekers to Nova Scotia, an assertion the federal government has denied.

Churchill said Houston’s claim about asylum seekers was shameful.

“It’s smoke and mirrors,” the Liberal leader said. “He is overshooting his own department’s numbers for sustainable population growth and yet he is trying to blame this on asylum seekers … who aren’t even here.”

In September, federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller said there is no plan to send any asylum seekers to the province without compensation or the consent of the premier. He said the 6,000 number was an “aspirational” figure based on models that reflect each province’s population.

In Halifax, NDP Leader Claudia Chender said it’s clear Nova Scotia needs more doctors, nurses and skilled trades people.

“Immigration has been and always will be a part of the Nova Scotia story, but we need to build as we grow,” Chender said. “This is why we have been pushing the Houston government to build more affordable housing.”

Chender was in a Halifax cafe on Thursday when she promised her party would remove the province’s portion of the harmonized sales tax from all grocery, cellphone and internet bills if elected to govern on Nov. 26. The tax would also be removed from the sale and installation of heat pumps.

“Our focus is on helping people to afford their lives,” Chender told reporters. “We know there are certain things that you can’t live without: food, internet and a phone …. So we know this will have the single biggest impact.”

The party estimates the measure would save the average Nova Scotia family about $1,300 a year.

“That’s a lot more than a one or two per cent HST cut,” Chender said, referring to the Progressive Conservative pledge to reduce the tax by one percentage point and the Liberal promise to trim it by two percentage points.

Elsewhere on the campaign trail, Houston announced that a Progressive Conservative government would make parking free at all Nova Scotia hospitals and health-care centres. The promise was also made by the Liberals in their election platform released Monday.

“Free parking may not seem like a big deal to some, but … the parking, especially for people working at the facilities, can add up to hundreds of dollars,” the premier told a news conference at his campaign headquarters in Halifax.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 7, 2024.

— With files from Keith Doucette in Halifax

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