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Toby Keith Had More to Talk About Than His Politics – The Atlantic

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In the spring of 1993, Mercury Records put three of its new country signees on a bus and sent them on a 15-city tour intended to raise their profile. It was a hell of an assemblage. There was the troubadour John Brannen, who possessed a rootsy sound and a quaver that channeled Roy Orbison’s. He alternated opening and closing slots with a former Oklahoma oil-field worker and semi-pro defensive end named Toby Keith. Playing in between was a brassy Canadian from a hardscrabble background: Shania Twain. It was Twain, in fact, who ran screaming to the front of the bus to tell Keith—who died Monday at 62—that his debut single, “Should’ve Been a Cowboy,” was playing on the radio.

“Should’ve Been a Cowboy” would top the Billboard Hot Country Singles chart that summer, establishing Keith as the breakout star of the trio. It was one of 10 songs on his 1993 self-titled debut that he wrote, and it established a persona that got him most of the way through the decade: the regretful romantic. It was a good lane, and he navigated it well. But to join Nashville’s growing parade of crossover stars, he had to dig deeper into his bag, both as a writer and as a performer. He pulled it off (with a little help from outside forces), becoming a household name in the process. Those same forces that made him a superstar, however, limited his reach in the end, obscuring a career of remarkable length and versatility.

At the beginning of his career, the strapping Keith was occasionally lumped in with country’s neo-traditionalists, who aimed for a simpler musical and sartorial presentation. These musicians still did tearjerkers, but those tended to be balanced out by leaner, honky-tonk crowd-pleasers. Keith was more interested in the ballads; the only line-dance-friendly cuts on his debut were the two songs he didn’t write. “Who’s That Man” (his second country No. 1) was a minor masterpiece of songwriting: a divorcé visits his family and comes to grips with what happened when he was there (“Turn left at the old hotel / I know this boulevard much too well”) and after.

Similarly aching singles followed, including the plaintive, fumbling love song “Me Too,” which was Keith’s third country No. 1. By now, his burly yearning was practically a trademark. The title track of 1997’s Dream Walkin’ depicts a one-night stand that lingers for a lifetime, delivered with Keith’s typical wryness: “She took my new sunglasses and my old jean jacket / And she never even bothered to ask.” The album also featured his biggest pop move yet: a cover of Sting’s Nashville ready-made “I’m So Happy I Can’t Stop Crying,” with the Englishman himself on bass and backing vocals. The collaboration led to Keith’s first Grammy nomination (and Sting’s only appearance on the country charts to date), but left Keith unfulfilled.

It possibly didn’t help that Twain, his former tourmate, turned her ’97 Mercury Records album into a pop juggernaut. Keith had proved to be a thoughtful craftsman, the rare country star who wrote the majority of his own material. But as contemporaries such as Twain, Garth Brooks, Tim McGraw, and the Dixie Chicks (now just the Chicks) achieved pop-country superstardom, Keith was still looking for his opening. “This is not a business where you compete against each other,” he had mused earlier in his career. “This is like golf. This is one where you play the course.”

When Keith jumped to DreamWorks Nashville (whose patron was the director Steven Spielberg), he embraced a different template: a little hammy, a little randy, reliant on smirks instead of strings. The album titles tell the story well enough: How Do You Like Me Now?!, Pull My Chain, Unleashed. The single “How Do You Like Me Now?!” kicked off a run of 10 country chart-toppers in five years. It was a kiss-off anthem whose sunny chorus belied the cruelty of the verses: “He never comes home, and you’re always alone / And your kids hear you cry down the hall.” It was the top country song of 2000, and the first of 16 Top 40 pop hits for Keith. To put this in football terms, the onetime United States Football League hopeful had implemented a brand-new scheme, then promptly dominated the league.

But the game soon changed. Keith’s seething post-9/11 single “Courtesy of the Red, White and Blue (The Angry American)” gained a cultural notoriety that far outpaced its performance on the radio (a single week at No. 1 on the country charts). One of the rawest songs to ever hit the country airwaves, it leveraged Keith’s unleashed personality to grim ends (“We’ll put a boot in your ass / It’s the American way”). In a field not lacking for contenders, it became the pro-war country song in the pop-culture consciousness, and outside Music Row, it’s arguably Keith’s signature tune.

He finally had the pop profile to rival the McGraws of the world—and having played the course, he was free to cause a ruckus in the clubhouse. Keith’s running feud with the Chicks’ lead singer, Natalie Maines (who publicly ripped the message of “The Angry American”), was shocking for how it dispensed with country’s usual professional chumminess. In time, Keith would express regret at how he reacted (including, famously, putting her picture next to Saddam Hussein’s during concerts). But his initial response revealed that perhaps his changing reputation was bothering him the most: “I’m a songwriter. She’s not.”

Still, “songwriter” would never be a major part of Keith’s public image. Nor was he a culture warrior on the level of Ted Nugent or John Rich; he was as likely to pull a punch as to throw one. The longtime yellow-dog Democrat (and eventual registered Independent) tried to play it down the middle, in the ensuing years—making appearances on The Colbert Report, and praising Barack Obama’s performance as commander in chief on The Joy Behar Show—but for a general audience, there was no altering his profile, only maintaining it; he would remain the angry American.

Which was a shame. Keith remained a reliable hitmaker through the end of the 2000s, in part by reviving the romanticism that fueled his early hits. Only now his attention had shifted from the bedroom to the barroom. For every dutiful piece of grunt work like “American Soldier,” there was an “I Love This Bar,” a hymn to the local watering hole that squeezes tech workers, veterans, and strippers into the same booth. For every “Beer for My Horses” (a disquietingly rousing celebration of vigilante justice featuring Willie Nelson), he wrote an “As Good as I Once Was,” a Brad Paisley–style farce about picking your spots in middle age. “I used to be hell on wheels,” Keith keens on the bridge, with a glimpse of the yearning he so easily summoned at the outset of his career, ”back when I was a younger man.”

Just as the neo-traditionalists had done to pop-country crooners such as B. J. Thomas and Juice Newton, a new crop of country singers supplanted Keith in the 2010s. The double-time yapping of Keith’s “I Wanna Talk About Me” was jettisoned in favor of cadences cribbed from rap. His peers drew on honky-tonk both as style and setting; singers such as Luke Bryan and Jason Aldean were more likely to raise a toast on a tailgate than drop a tear in their beer. (Still, Keith’s last Top 40 hit, the loop-de-looping singalong “Red Solo Cup,” showed that when it came to making bro-country, he was as good as he’d ever been.) Toby Keith—like Kenny Chesney or Twain—used a larger-than-life persona to shift an otherwise fine career into a higher gear. He leaves behind a catalog full of weepers and floor-stompers, delivered with pathos and humor. For detractors (and many fans), he may remain the Angry American, but the last compilation he issued in his lifetime made clear how he saw himself: 100% Songwriter.

Brad Shoup is a freelance writer and critic whose work has appeared in Pitchfork, Billboard, and SPIN.

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Quebec party supports member who accused fellow politicians of denigrating minorities

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MONTREAL – A Quebec political party has voted to support one of its members facing backlash for saying that racialized people are regularly disparaged at the provincial legislature.

Québec solidaire members adopted an emergency resolution at the party’s convention late Sunday condemning the hate directed at Haroun Bouazzi, without endorsing his comments.

Bouazzi, who represents a Montreal riding, had told a community group that he hears comments every day at the legislature that portray North African, Muslim, Black or Indigenous people as the “other,” and that paint their cultures are dangerous or inferior.

Other political parties have said Bouazzi’s remarks labelled elected officials as racists, and the co-leaders of his own party had rebuked him for his “clumsy and exaggerated” comments.

Bouazzi, who has said he never intended to describe his colleagues as racist, thanked his party for their support and for their commitment to the fight against systemic racism.

Party co-spokesperson Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois said after Sunday’s closed-door debate that he considers the matter to be closed.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 18, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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Virginia Democrats advance efforts to protect abortion, voting rights, marriage equality

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RICHMOND, Va. (AP) — Democrats who control both chambers of the Virginia legislature are hoping to make good on promises made on the campaign trail, including becoming the first Southern state to expand constitutional protections for abortion access.

The House Privileges and Elections Committee advanced three proposed constitutional amendments Wednesday, including a measure to protect reproductive rights. Its members also discussed measures to repeal a now-defunct state constitutional ban on same-sex marriage and ways to revise Virginia’s process to restore voting rights for people who served time for felony crimes.

“This meeting was an important next step considering the moment in history we find ourselves in,” Democratic Del. Cia Price, the committee chair, said during a news conference. “We have urgent threats to our freedoms that could impact constituents in all of the districts we serve.”

The at-times raucous meeting will pave the way for the House and Senate to take up the resolutions early next year after lawmakers tabled the measures last January. Democrats previously said the move was standard practice, given that amendments are typically introduced in odd-numbered years. But Republican Minority Leader Todd Gilbert said Wednesday the committee should not have delved into the amendments before next year’s legislative session. He said the resolutions, particularly the abortion amendment, need further vetting.

“No one who is still serving remembers it being done in this way ever,” Gilbert said after the meeting. “Certainly not for something this important. This is as big and weighty an issue as it gets.”

The Democrats’ legislative lineup comes after Republican Governor Glenn Youngkin, to the dismay of voting-rights advocates, rolled back a process to restore people’s civil rights after they completed sentences for felonies. Virginia is the only state that permanently bans anyone convicted of a felony from voting unless a governor restores their rights.

“This amendment creates a process that is bounded by transparent rules and criteria that will apply to everybody — it’s not left to the discretion of a single individual,” Del. Elizabeth Bennett-Parker, the patron of the voting rights resolution, which passed along party lines, said at the news conference.

Though Democrats have sparred with the governor over their legislative agenda, constitutional amendments put forth by lawmakers do not require his signature, allowing the Democrat-led House and Senate to bypass Youngkin’s blessing.

Instead, the General Assembly must pass proposed amendments twice in at least two years, with a legislative election sandwiched between each statehouse session. After that, the public can vote by referendum on the issues. The cumbersome process will likely hinge upon the success of all three amendments on Democrats’ ability to preserve their edge in the House and Senate, where they hold razor-thin majorities.

It’s not the first time lawmakers have attempted to champion the three amendments. Republicans in a House subcommittee killed a constitutional amendment to restore voting rights in 2022, a year after the measure passed in a Democrat-led House. The same subcommittee also struck down legislation supporting a constitutional amendment to repeal an amendment from 2006 banning marriage equality.

On Wednesday, a bipartisan group of lawmakers voted 16-5 in favor of legislation protecting same-sex marriage, with four Republicans supporting the resolution.

“To say the least, voters enacted this (amendment) in 2006, and we have had 100,000 voters a year become of voting age since then,” said Del. Mark Sickles, who sponsored the amendment as one of the first openly gay men serving in the General Assembly. “Many people have changed their opinions of this as the years have passed.”

A constitutional amendment protecting abortion previously passed the Senate in 2023 but died in a Republican-led House. On Wednesday, the amendment passed on party lines.

If successful, the resolution proposed by House Majority Leader Charniele Herring would be part of a growing trend of reproductive rights-related ballot questions given to voters. Since 2022, 18 questions have gone before voters across the U.S., and they have sided with abortion rights advocates 14 times.

The voters have approved constitutional amendments ensuring the right to abortion until fetal viability in nine states: Arizona, California, Colorado, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, Ohio and Vermont. Voters also passed a right-to-abortion measure in Nevada in 2024, but it must be passed again in 2026 to be added to the state constitution.

As lawmakers debated the measure, roughly 18 members spoke. Mercedes Perkins, at 38 weeks pregnant, described the importance of women making decisions about their own bodies. Rhea Simon, another Virginia resident, anecdotally described how reproductive health care shaped her life.

Then all at once, more than 50 people lined up to speak against the abortion amendment.

“Let’s do the compassionate thing and care for mothers and all unborn children,” resident Sheila Furey said.

The audience gave a collective “Amen,” followed by a round of applause.

___

Associated Press writer Geoff Mulvihill in Cherry Hill, New Jersey, contributed to this report.

___

Olivia Diaz is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative.

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Trump chooses anti-vaccine activist Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as health secretary

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NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump says he will nominate anti-vaccine activist Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to lead the Department of Health and Human Services, putting him in charge of a massive agency that oversees everything from drug, vaccine and food safety to medical research and the social safety net programs Medicare and Medicaid.

“For too long, Americans have been crushed by the industrial food complex and drug companies who have engaged in deception, misinformation, and disinformation when it comes to Public Health,” Trump said in a post on his Truth Social site announcing the appointment. Kennedy, he said, would “Make America Great and Healthy Again!”

Kennedy, a former Democrat who ran as an independent in this year’s presidential race, abandoned his bid after striking a deal to give Trump his endorsement with a promise to have a role in health policy in the administration.

He and Trump have since become good friends, with Kennedy frequently receiving loud applause at Trump’s rallies.

The expected appointment was first reported by Politico Thursday.

A longtime vaccine skeptic, Kennedy is an attorney who has built a loyal following over several decades of people who admire his lawsuits against major pesticide and pharmaceutical companies. He has pushed for tighter regulations around the ingredients in foods.

With the Trump campaign, he worked to shore up support among young mothers in particular, with his message of making food healthier in the U.S., promising to model regulations imposed in Europe. In a nod to Trump’s original campaign slogan, he named the effort “Make America Healthy Again.”

It remains unclear how that will square with Trump’s history of deregulation of big industries, including food. Trump pushed for fewer inspections of the meat industry, for example.

Kennedy’s stance on vaccines has also made him a controversial figure among Democrats and some Republicans, raising question about his ability to get confirmed, even in a GOP-controlled Senate. Kennedy has espoused misinformation around the safety of vaccines, including pushing a totally discredited theory that childhood vaccines cause autism.

He also has said he would recommend removing fluoride from drinking water. The addition of the material has been cited as leading to improved dental health.

HHS has more than 80,000 employees across the country. It houses the Food and Drug Administration, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Medicare and Medicaid programs and the National Institutes of Health.

Kennedy’s anti-vaccine nonprofit group, Children’s Health Defense, currently has a lawsuit pending against a number of news organizations, among them The Associated Press, accusing them of violating antitrust laws by taking action to identify misinformation, including about COVID-19 and COVID-19 vaccines. Kennedy took leave from the group when he announced his run for president but is listed as one of its attorneys in the lawsuit.

__ Seitz reported from Washington.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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