Politics
TOM URBANIAK: Lessons (positive and negative) for aspiring political leaders – TheChronicleHerald.ca
On Valentine’s Day, one of Canada’s most famous former mayors celebrates her 100th birthday.
Hazel McCallion was mayor of Mississauga, Canada’s sixth-largest city, from 1978 to 2014. She became an elected municipal politician in 1968, first as deputy reeve and later mayor of the pre-amalgamation town of Streetsville. (She even led Streetsville’s movement to resist the Mississauga merger.)
I studied McCallion and Mississauga extensively for my book ‘Her Worship: Hazel McCallion and the Development of Mississauga’ (University of Toronto Press, 2009).
McCallion was a “strong mayor” in a “weak-mayor system.” Her formal powers were very limited. Her council’s taxation powers were very limited.
UNLIMITED INFLUENCE
But her influence seemed unlimited.
What can leaders in Cape Breton and Nova Scotia learn from this intriguing politician?
To some extent, McCallion benefitted politically from Mississauga being in the path of Toronto’s urban sprawl. But that didn’t guarantee success – far from it. Controversial developments, bad infrastructure and big tax increases to pay for new development had brought down her predecessors and plunged councils into chaos.
The threat of corruption was also there.
McCallion herself almost derailed her own political career by veering into conflicts of interest.
Not everything was exemplary. McCallion usually didn’t tolerate opposition. Her populist rhetoric was often ruthless and unfair.
Nobody should be afraid of their mayor!
However, the fear factor sometimes worked well with provincial and federal politicians. “She is the one politician in Ontario who scares the bejesus out of me,” quipped former premier David Peterson. On many issues, he felt pressured to at least meet McCallion halfway.
FIVE LESSONS
Let’s try to summarize the “Mayor Hazel” leadership lessons in a few points.
First point: always have specific demands and projects. McCallion didn’t spend a lot of time on platitudes or sweeping ideologies. She had infrastructure lists and designs that she took constantly to the provincial and federal governments. She had specific (not vague) requests for more city powers. She had particular projects that she wanted to see developers execute. She had particular initiatives that she wanted particular citizens to organize.
Essentially, she was running around with clear checklists and requests. Each time infrastructure funding pots appeared, she was first in line.
Second point: be relentless. McCallion was absolutely unapologetic about calling a minister or business leader every single day if she wanted something. Actually, she was notorious for early morning phone calls: she could catch decision-makers before they were on their game.
She used her platform in the media to full effect. She organized other mayors to go after projects in common.
Third point: city staff are expected to work hard. Expect the best!
“Do your homework!” she would admonish. The City of Mississauga actually became a top-rated employer. People appreciate clear goals and expectations. They want to achieve something.
Fourth point: understand your finances. Have a mind for business. McCallion learned this in her first big leadership role. She was in her 20s and was serving as president of the Anglican Young People’s Association of Canada. At the same time, she also went to work as office manager for the engineering firm Canadian Kellogg. She helped to arrange wartime industrial contracts. Later, she and her husband, Sam, started their own small businesses.
McCallion realized that sharp leadership requires a mind for detail.
Fifth point: be super-accessible and appear frugal. Despite the size of Mississauga, there was only ever a tiny staff in the mayor’s office. And their focus was office work, not politics. She handled the politics.
MEET THE PUBLIC
No event was too small for McCallion to attend – birthday parties, hair salon ribbon cuttings, school assemblies. She laced up her skates for puck drops. Staff never went with her. The mayor drove herself around (license plate “Mayor1”). She shopped at a different grocery store each week to meet as many constituents as possible. She hosted a bi-weekly cable-television program. All this was meant to help her feel the public pulse, and then give voice to it.
And finally, McCallion was (and still is) a cheerleader, albeit sometimes a harsh one. Believe in yourself and believe in your community. Stop sitting in the coffee shop complaining all the time. Get up, get some exercise and start picking up litter!
We could use some of that practical, no-nonsense leadership here.
Dr. Tom Urbaniak is a professor of political science at Cape Breton University. One of his books is ‘Her Worship: Hazel McCallion and the Development of Mississauga.’
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TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (AP) — A leader like Bob Graham would be a unicorn in the hyper-partisan politics of today.
The former Florida governor and U.S. senator wasn’t a slick, slogan-spouting politician. He didn’t have an us-against-them mentality. Sometimes, he even came across as more of a kind-hearted professor just trying to make the world a better place.
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Politics
The Earthquake Shaking BC Politics
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Six months from now Kevin Falcon is going to be staggering toward a catastrophic defeat for the remnants of the BC Liberals.
But what that will mean for the province’s political future is still up in the air, with the uncertainty increased by two shocking polls that show the Conservatives far ahead of BC United and only a few percentage points behind the NDP.
BC United is already toast, done in by self-inflicted wounds and the arrival of John Rustad and the Conservative Party of BC.
Falcon’s party has stumbled since the decision to abandon the BC Liberal brand in favour of BC United. The change, promoted by Falcon and approved by party members, took place a year ago this week. It was an immediate disaster.
That was made much worse when Rustad relaunched the B.C. Conservatives after Falcon kicked him out of caucus for doubting the basic science of climate change.
Falcon’s party had fallen from 33 per cent support to 19 per cent, trailing the Conservatives at 25 per cent. (The NDP has 42 per cent support.) That’s despite his repeated assurances that voters would quickly become familiar with the BC United brand.
BC United is left with almost no safe seats in this election based on the current polling.
Take Abbotsford West, where Mike de Jong is quitting after 30 years in the legislature to seek a federal Conservative nomination. It’s been a BC Liberal/United stronghold. In 2020 de Jong captured 46 per cent of the votes to the New Democrats’ 37 per cent and the Conservatives’ nine per cent.
But that was when the Conservatives were at about eight per cent in the polls, not 25 per cent.
Double their vote in this October’s election at the expense of the Liberals — a cautious estimate — and the NDP wins.
United’s prospects are even worse in ridings that were close in the 2020 election, like Skeena. Ellis Ross took it for the BC Liberals in 2020 with 52 per cent of the vote to the NDP’s 45 per cent.
But there was no Conservative candidate. Rustad has committed to running a candidate in every riding and the NDP can count on an easy win in Skeena.
It’s the same story across the province. The Conservatives and BC United will split the centre-right vote, handing the NDP easy wins and a big majority. And BC United will be fighting to avoid being beaten by the Conservatives in the ridings that are in play.
United’s situation became even more dire last week. A Liaison Strategies poll found the NDP at 38 per cent support, Conservatives at 34 per cent, United at 16 per cent and Greens at 11 per cent. That’s similar to a March poll from Mainstreet Research.
If those polls are accurate, BC United could end up with no seats. Voters who don’t want an NDP government will consider strategic voting based on which party has a chance of winning in their ridings.
Based on the Liaison poll, that would be the Conservatives. That’s especially true outside Vancouver and Vancouver Island, where the poll shows the Conservatives at 39 per cent, the NDP at 30 per cent and United lagging at 19 per cent. (The caveat about the polls’ accuracy is important. Curtis Fric and Philippe J. Fournier offer a useful analysis of possible factors affecting the results on Substack.)
And contributors will also be making some hard choices about which party gets their money. Until now BC United was far ahead of the Conservatives, thanks to its strong fundraising structure and the perception that it was the front-runner on the right. That’s under threat.
The polls also mark a big change in the NDP’s situation. This election looked like a cakewalk, with a divided centre-right splitting the vote and a big majority almost guaranteed. Most polls this year gave the New Democrats at least a 17 per cent lead over the Conservatives.
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