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What the Ardern, Sturgeon resignations show about the ‘tightrope’ women walk in politics

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The recent resignations of two prominent world leaders – both women – are raising questions about the “additional” pressures on female politicians and whether enough is being done to remove the hurdles they face.

Last week, Scottish leader Nicola Sturgeon announced she was stepping down after more than eight years in office, as she acknowledged the “physical and mental impact” of the job.

Sturgeon said the brutality of modern politics had taken a toll and she could no longer commit to giving “every ounce of energy” that the job entailed.

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Her comments echoed Jacinda Ardern’s who said she had “no more in the tank” when she quit as New Zealand’s prime minister in January.

These recent resignations come as no surprise to Sarah Kaplan, distinguished professor and director of the Institute for Gender and the Economy at the University of Toronto. The COVID-19 pandemic has been an “extraordinarily stressful” time to be a political leader, she said.

“I’m surprised that more leaders have not decided to step down,” she told Global News.

Female politicians – including on women leaders in Canada – are still facing “additional scrutiny and challenges” compared to their male colleagues, which can take a toll.

“Being a woman leader is in a lot of ways more challenging because they’re walking this kind of tightrope between being a woman and being a leader,” said Elizabeth McCallion, a PhD candidate in political studies at Queen’s University.

Because politics is deeply rooted in masculine norms, which include heckling and aggressive behaviour, “it’s not a welcoming environment for women,” she told Global News.

It’s a worrying trend, politicians and political observers say, as women in public roles around the world continue to face backlash, misogyny and personal attacks.

And while there is a growing representation of women in Canada’s Parliament, with 30 per cent of the House of Commons made up of women – that growth has not come without its challenges.

When former Liberal MP Catherine McKenna took office as Canada’s environment minister in 2015, she said she didn’t know at the time that her political duties related to tackling climate change would also include defending herself as a woman.

It was not long after she became minister, McKenna started facing online harassment and was given the nickname “climate Barbie” because of her blonde hair.

The harassment also moved offline. On one occasion in 2017, someone mailed a Barbie doll to her office.

“It was really … annoying because … I had a big job. And so the idea that I had to also be calling out often or putting up with online hate harassment … was just something I didn’t expect,” she told Global News.

In August last year, Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland was verbally attacked in Alberta, when a man approached her while she walked into an elevator at city hall in Grande Prairie.

He hurled profanities at her and called her a “traitor,” while a woman joined in and told Freeland “you don’t belong here.”

For Kaplan, the Canadian cases showed “we definitely have a problem in the Canadian context with treating our women leaders with respect.”

 

Why do women leaders face ‘additional stresses?’

There are “additional stresses” that are placed on women in a male-dominated field such as politics, Kaplan said.

Family is among them, with research suggesting that parenthood and political careers are difficult to balance, particularly for women.

McKenna stepped away from politics in 2021 to spend more time with her children and focus on climate change.

She said it was “really hard” being away from family for long periods of time and she “felt extremely guilty” missing her kids’ events or activities.

Gender norms mean women are more often expected to shoulder the responsibility of child care, which is why it might be harder for women to pursue a political career, said Kaplan.

Laurel Collins gave birth to her daughter, now aged two, during her first term elected as an MP for Victoria, B.C.

The NDP critic for Environment and Climate Change said it would’ve been “impossible” to do her job without the family support, with her mom and partner’s sister both helping out with child care.

“My partner took off 14 months so that he could travel to Ottawa with me and our daughter – and without that, I would have found it impossible,” she told Global News.


NDP MP Laurel Collins rises during Question Period in the House of Commons on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on February 28, 2020.


THE CANADIAN PRESS/Justin Tang

Collins, like McKenna, Freeland and many others, has also faced her share of personal attacks on the job.

In 2020, while talking about sex worker rights in the Parliament, one of her colleagues – a Conservative male MP –  asked her if she had considered sex work, Collins recalled.

“Now, this is a question that would never have been asked to a man,” she said.

Collins said Canada has a “long way to go” to address sexism in the political space.

“We have to do more to support women coming into politics and ensure that we’re both removing those barriers and also lifting women up,” she said.

Conservative MP Michelle Rempel Garner has also weighed in on the “additional weight” women in politics have to carry. In a substack post a day after Ardern resigned, she drew comparisons between the kinds of questions some have asked Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and those put to his New Zealand counterpart.

“Ardern has not attributed any part of her decision to the sexism she faced in politics, so I am reluctant to do it on her behalf,” she wrote.

“Indeed, unlike Ardern, Trudeau hasn’t had to deal with things like being asked if he was going to have babies as a qualifier for his suitability for serving as Prime Minister or being asked if he met with another world leader because of his age and gender.”

She was referring to the time when a journalist asked Ardern and Finland’s Prime Minister Sanna Marin if the purpose for the first-ever visit to New Zealand by a Finnish leader was because they were “similar in age” and that they have a “lot of common stuff.”

“We are meeting because we are prime ministers,” Marin said in response.

After almost two decades working in federal politics including seven of those as a member of Parliament, Conservative MP Karen Vecchio said she has changed the way she addresses misogyny.

“I don’t find that I address it with anger, I address it with solutions – sometimes a little sarcastic, but solutions,” she told Global News.

“What would have bothered me seven years ago, I just react very, very differently now.”

Vecchio, who is the chair of the Status of Women Committee and the Conservative critic for women and gender equality, said the COVID-19 pandemic has made it especially difficult for women leaders at all levels to balance their work with personal life.

“This is a time, especially for women, where you’re trying to find that balance, especially as a leader, the balance between family and your own personal health and that of your leadership, whether … that of a country or a community like myself,” she said.

“Trying to find that balance is very, very difficult.”

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the House of Commons moved to a hybrid model allowing MPs to attend and participate in debates virtually as long as they are in Canada.

A committee recommended last month that the practice introduced in 2020 become permanent.

Greater representation and allyship could also help keep women from getting “singled out” and facing political attacks, said Kaplan.

“We need the male politicians to be standing up and saying ‘this is not acceptable’ and to be setting the tone themselves in ways that I think they’re not,” she said.

“And I think there’s a lack of appreciation of the difficulty that women leaders face and the necessity for their male counterparts to stand up.”

— with files from Reuters

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Liz Truss backs Donald Trump to win US presidential election – BBC.com

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Liz Truss has endorsed Donald Trump to win this year’s US presidential election, saying the “world was safer” when he was in the White House.

The former prime minister said the world was “on the cusp of very, very serious conflict” and needed “a strong America more than ever”.

Her comments came as the first of Mr Trump’s four criminal trials began.

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Ms Truss was speaking ahead of the publication of her book – her account of her time in Number 10.

Her brief stint in power made her the shortest-serving prime minister in Britain’s history.

The former PM, who recently spoke at a pro-Trump conference in the US, said the West’s “opponents feared the Trump presidency more” than the Democrats under Joe Biden.

Speaking to the BBC, Ms Truss said Mr Trump was more aggressive towards Iran and China. She also praised Mr Trump’s support for Ukraine, approving the sale of anti-tank Javelin missiles, despite his Republican allies’ recent attempts to block military aid to the country.

“I’m not saying that I agree with absolutely everything he’s ever said,” she said.

But she added: “I do agree that under Donald Trump when he was president of the United States, the world was safer.

“I want to work with fellow conservatives to take on what I believe is a real threat of Western society and civilization being undermined by left-wing extreme ideas.”

This includes supporting Nigel Farage “becoming an MP” if he were to re-join the Conservative party, she told the BBC.

Speaking to the Newscast podcast, Ms Truss said the founder of the political parties Ukip and Reform UK “believes in conservative values – I think it’s a shame he’s not in the Conservative Party”.

Liz Truss gave a speech at the pro-Trump Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), this year.

In her interview, Ms Truss argued she was forced out of office after 49 days by powerful establishment figures.

Ms Truss stood down in October 2022, after Tory MPs revolted against her when a series of U-turns on her economic plan sapped her authority.

She denied her fall from office was humiliating, saying: “It was difficult. Absolutely. Was it humiliating? I wouldn’t use that word actually.”

She said she had gone into the job with the intention of changing things, and hadn’t succeeded.

She added: “But is that really worse than not trying in the first place? Is it worse than being dishonest and claiming I was going to try and do things and then not do them? Is it worse than being in Number 10 and not doing anything? I don’t think so personally, which maybe I think differently from other people.”

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Economic warnings

Ms Truss said her and Kwasi Kwarteng’s tax-cutting plan to promote growth, was “undermined by organisations” like the Bank of England and the Office of Budget Responsibility (OBR).

Civil servants had also failed to warn her “the UK economy was uniquely exposed” to so-called Liability Driven Investments (LDIs) – which invest in government bonds because they are usually so stable.

The Bank of England was forced to start buying back government bonds after these LDIs came close to collapse – which in turn could have forced them to rush to sell other assets.

She said: “I have spent many months getting the blame, people saying it’s all my fault, people criticising me, trashing me.

“Yet the Bank of England had a very, very significant role in what happened. The Office of Budget Responsibility had a very significant role in what happened.

“I haven’t seen them get anything like the level of scrutiny or questions that I’ve got.”

Challenged on whether she was casting about for someone to blame, she said, “I’m not saying I’m perfect”, but argued that she didn’t have the whole picture when making decisions.

A Bank of England spokesperson said: “The Bank has already set out its response to the LDI crisis in full, including to Parliament, and has nothing more to add.”

Ms Truss argued for the removal of institutions such as the OBR, and for Andrew Bailey stepping down as the governor of the Bank of England.

Divesting of power from democratically elected officials has left minsters “impotent”, Ms Truss said, adding: “Politicians have ended up having responsibility without power, and quangocrats have ended up having power without responsibility and more job security – as I found out.”

Ms Truss’s prognosis is a complete overhaul of the political system, including “abolishing quite a lot of things”.

International organisation like the United Nations (UN), which she says no longer has “a purpose”, are also on the chopping block.

“The UN Security Council as it’s currently constituted with both China and Russia on is not keeping the world safe.

“At present, it has been very ineffective at dealing with international situations, in fact, positively damaging.”

And she said that the Conservative party was currently split “between those people like me, who think we need fundamental institutional change in Britain, that our institutions have been captured by leftist ideas” and others “not prepared to go that far”.

She said: “We need a sufficient number of MPs who understand what the problem is, and are prepared to vote to abolish the quangos.”

The full interview is available on BBC iPlayer and BBC Sounds.

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It is time for a democratic world order – Al Jazeera English

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There has been much discussion about South Africa’s landmark case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, accusing it of committing the crime of genocide. When it comes to tangible action, this case has been one of the few bright spots in an otherwise lackluster response from states around the world to the Israeli slaughter of the Palestinian people.

One of the lesser known parts of this story in Western public discourse generally, but more pertinently within activist spaces, is that the US empire is threatening to punish South Africa for bringing this much needed case against Israel.

Republican Representative John James and Democratic Representative Jared Moskowitz introduced in early February the US-South Africa Bilateral Relations Review Act in the United States House of Representatives. This legislation would require a full review of the relationship between the US and South Africa on the baseless and spurious grounds that South Africa is supporting “terrorism”.

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South African International Relations and Cooperation Minister Naledi Pandor recently said on a visit to Turkey: “In terms of responses, unfortunately, there are some legislators in the United States of America that have taken a very negative position against my country.”

Although this story has received little attention and many pro-Palestinian activists in the US, Canada, the United Kingdom and elsewhere have not even heard about it, it is part of the discourse in activist and scholarly circles in South Africa. Among other things, people are concerned about what these threats will mean to their economic wellbeing; funding for the arts; scholarly, community, social and cultural projects and initiatives; and the sustainability of funding models for nongovernmental organisations since many of these are economically dependent on various US institutions.

It is incumbent on activists across the world, but especially in the US, to speak up against the US threat to punish South Africa and demand that their government does not pursue such a path. This should become a protest demand along with the other demands that activists are currently making. South Africa has put its neck on the line for the Palestinian cause, and the least Palestinian supporters can do is to support South Africa against the threats of US imperialism in this moment.

It is also incumbent on middle powers across the world to begin forming a coalition to protect not just South Africa today but also themselves from US imperial power.

It is clear to any honest observer that without direct action from states to isolate the Israeli state economically and politically and place pressure on it legally, it will not depart from the path of genocide – not now, not in the future.

When pressed on the necessity of taking this course of action, one of the common off-the-record responses activists, policy analysts and scholars receive from government officials around the world, including South Africa, is: “We want to pursue more meaningful direct action to help the Palestinian people, but we cannot withstand a punishing reaction from the US.”

I do not see this response as a form of diversion, nor do I consider it cowardly. Government officials cannot so easily dismiss the economic hardships their country would face from a harsh US reaction.

But it is not good enough to end the conversation with this response. Since the US empire is a major obstacle to Palestinian rights, freedom, liberation and sovereignty as well as the sovereignty of middle powers, then middle power states have both a duty and a self-interest to plan and follow a path of action that deals with this problem.

Obviously, the best path forward is for countries around the world to become less dependent on US and Western imperial economic power. Although there are efforts to accomplish this goal, such as BRICS, it remains a long way from changing global economic structures. The Palestinian people cannot afford to wait this long.

Another more immediate path is to make it difficult for the US to respond harshly to states that cut off all diplomatic and economic ties to the Israeli state. The principle of this more immediate path is simple: There is strength and safety in numbers.

If a coalition of middle powers forms and together announces their severing of ties with Israel, then it will be more difficult for the US to punish them all because it would become too costly for the US itself to do so.

What might such a coalition look like? It can start with countries like South Africa, Turkey, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, Egypt, Morocco, Spain, Norway, Ireland and others. Countries that already don’t claim any diplomatic and economic relations with Israel – such as Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan and others – would also join the coalition to offer support and protection from the US. Lesser powers can also join when this momentum builds, adding pressure and making it virtually impossible for the US to target all of them.

Momentum can build, and countries such as Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Belgium and others that understand that this is the right course of action but are either too cowardly or too unwilling to pursue it for reasons of economic self-interest and their role in the US imperial alliance might be pressured to join, even if partially, by imposing a full two-way arms embargo on Israel.

None of this will be easy. But it is necessary, and it can work. And here I think that activists should begin to speak to their government’s self-interest to pressure them towards forming such a coalition. Governments will only move so much on the basis of a “name and shame” strategy and electoral politics calculations. State self-interest has to also be addressed; activists, policy analysts and scholars can convince their governments that it is in their best interest to follow this policy path.

Challenging the US empire on the question of Palestine will have tremendous consequences for building a more democratic world order. Although some of the states listed above believe that by simply ignoring the plight of the Palestinian people, they can avoid clashing with the US, this is short-term thinking for two reasons.

First, just because they can avoid the wrath of the US on the question of Palestine does not mean that they will not face it on another issue in the future. It is never in the self-interest of middle powers to live under the subordination of a great superpower. Even if temporarily beneficial, at some point, there will be a price to pay for this subordination. So why challenge it now if they do not have to at this moment?

This is where the second reason comes in. There is currently grassroots momentum around the world to challenge US imperialism. Now is the time to seize the opportunity, draw on this energy and direct it towards a democratic world order that in fact stands up for human rights and freedoms for all.

It is critical to seize this moment and send a message to the US empire that business as usual, where US dominance determines international economic, political and cultural directions, is neither wanted nor tolerated. The US empire will either have to come around or itself become isolated. When we reach that stage, we will reach the end of Israeli settler colonialism. We will reach the end of apartheid and genocide, the two most lethal weapons in the Israeli settler colonial arsenal.

Once Israel is globally isolated, it will be forced to change its behaviour. Israelis will have no choice but to cease their settler colonial project. Palestinians and Israelis can then begin negotiating for true decolonial peace and justice under the banner of a one-state solution, under which all have equal rights and freedoms and the land and sovereignty can be shared between Palestinians and Israelis.

Such an outcome will not only be beneficial for Palestinians and Israelis, but it will also be a real signal that the US empire is no longer the empire that it once was and people from around the world, Americans included, can begin to build a real democratic world order that is no longer under the thumb of one superpower.

A democratic world order will decrease the chances of great wars, imperial wars and settler colonial conquests and help avoid the tremendous human suffering that the Palestinians today are experiencing.

The horrors that the Palestinian people have been facing for more than 100 years did not start with the Palestinians and will not end there. It is in everyone’s self-interest to avoid such suffering, and one way to do that is to build a more democratic world.

The great Nelson Mandela once said: “We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.” It is well past time that the rest of the world came to truly understand what this quote means and take tangible action to advance freedom from empire and colonialism.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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Quebec employers group worried 'political' immigration debate will hurt jobs – CBC News

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The latest spat between Quebec and Ottawa over immigration is based on politics and not the reality of the labour market, says the head of a major employers group.

“In some ways, it’s deplorable,” said Karl Blackburn, president and CEO of the Conseil du patronat du Québec.

His comments come as Quebec Premier François Legault is threatening to hold a “referendum” on immigration if the federal government doesn’t take rapid action to stem the rising number of temporary immigrants, which include foreign workers, international students and refugee claimants.

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“The majority of Quebecers think that 560,000 temporary immigrants is too much,” Legault said last week. “It’s hurting our health-care system. We don’t have enough teachers, we don’t have enough housing.”

Provincial Immigration Minister Christine Fréchette said the province’s demands include stronger French-language requirements in immigration programs managed by the federal government and a reduction in the number of asylum seekers and temporary workers.

While Prime Minister Justin Trudeau rejected the province’s bid for full control over immigration — currently a shared responsibility — Legault said in March that his federal counterpart had shown openness to some of the province’s demands, and agreed with him on the need to reduce temporary immigrants.

Legault is threatening to hold a ‘referendum’ if Ottawa doesn’t take rapid action to stem the rising number of temporary immigrants. (Olga Ryazanseva/Getty Images)

Businesses affected by visa cuts

Blackburn, however, disagrees that there are too many temporary workers, who he said are “working in our businesses producing goods and services.” Their numbers, he added, reflect the needs of the labour market and of an aging society.

He said he supports the Legault government’s call to reduce the number of asylum seekers in the province because Quebec has received a disproportionate share in recent years. But he denounced the federal government’s “improvised” decision to suddenly reimpose visas on some Mexican nationals earlier this year, a measure Quebec had pushed for as a way of reducing asylum claims.

He said that’s already having “direct effects” on businesses by restricting their ability to bring in workers. Any subsequent measures to reduce the number of temporary workers will further hurt Quebec’s economy as well as consumers who will no longer have access to the same goods and services, he said.

“It’s as if our governments knowingly agreed to cause companies to lose contracts for reasons of political partisanship and not based on economic growth, which is nonsensical in a way,” Blackburn said.

A man with a blue suit and thin grey beard looks into the camera.
Karl Blackburn, president and CEO of the Conseil du patronat du Québec, says the federal government’s decision to reimpose visas on some Mexican nationals is already impacting Quebec businesses. (Radio-Canada/Lisa-Marie Fleurent)

Politicians are unfairly blaming immigrants for shortages of housing, daycare spaces and teachers, when the real problem is government failure to invest in those areas, he added.

The long-running debate between Quebec and Ottawa has flared in recent months. Earlier this year, the premier wrote to Trudeau about the influx of asylum seekers entering Quebec, which has welcomed more than 65,000 of the 144,000 would-be refugees who came to Canada last year.

Quebec has demanded Ottawa reimburse the province $1 billion — the amount Quebec says it has cost to care for asylum seekers over the last three years.

Federal Immigration Minister Marc Miller said this week that no country would ever give up total control over immigration. But he said he and his provincial counterpart are having good discussions and agree on many matters, including limiting visas to Mexicans and protecting French.

While Legault has blamed the federal government for the “exploding” number of newcomers, the director of a research institute and co-author of a recent study on temporary immigrants says both Ottawa and Quebec have brought in measures in recent years to facilitate their arrival.

Multiple factors driving immigration surge

Emna Braham says the surge in temporary immigrants is due to a combination of factors, including a tight labour market, post-secondary institutions recruiting internationally, and programs by both Ottawa and Quebec to allow companies to bring in more workers.

She said numbers have now climbed higher than either level of government expected, likely because temporary immigration is administered through a series of programs that are separate from one another.

“We had a set of measures that could be justified individually, but there was no reflection on what the impact will be of all these cumulative measures on the flow of immigrants that Quebec and Canada accept,” she said in a phone interview.

Both Braham and Blackburn point out that the high number of temporary workers in Quebec is also a result of the province’s decision to cap the number of new permanent residents it accepts each year to around 50,000, creating a bottleneck of people awaiting permanent status.

“If the government of Quebec had set its thresholds at the level they should be to meet the needs of the labour market, we wouldn’t be in this situation where [there] is a significant increase in temporary workers,” Blackburn said.

Braham said the moment is right for provinces and the federal government to develop a co-ordinated approach to immigration, and to ensure a system is put in place to ensure both long- and short-term needs are met.

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