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Why GOP can't reopen the economy without Democratic buy-in – CNN

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But the party’s efforts face a paradoxical hurdle: The economy can’t regain much momentum without the participation of big Democratic-leaning metropolitan areas, where both local officials and average residents remain more skeptical about quickly unwinding social distancing measures.
In almost all of the swing states likely to decide the winner in the 2020 presidential race, the largest metropolitan areas account for at least two-thirds, and in several cases more than four-fifths, of the state’s employment and economic output, according to a new analysis by the Brookings Institution’s Metropolitan Policy Program provided exclusively to CNN.
Mayors in many of those metropolitan areas — particularly in states such as Georgia, Texas and Arizona with Republican governors committed to rapidly restarting the economy — have raised alarms about reopening too quickly.
And polls, including last week’s national CNN survey, have consistently found that concern about reopening too fast is greatest among Americans living in large urban communities, which continue to face the highest death tolls from the outbreak, even as it spreads more widely into smaller places.
Three weeks after opening, Georgia business owners chart their own course forward
“The concentration of the economy in bigger, denser, more science-oriented places becomes a real ceiling on effective reopening,” says Mark Muro, senior fellow and policy director at the Metropolitan Policy Program. “Metropolitan economic elites are well informed about the risk and may simply refuse to participate in what they may view as a precipitous opening. This is where behavior is going to have a large say, rather than political or policy positions.”
The daunting equation facing Trump and Republican governors is that no matter how many restrictions they lift on the small-town and rural areas that have become their strongholds, both the national and state economies have little prospect of regaining critical mass unless the GOP can greatly accelerate reopenings in the big metro areas that have been moving away from them politically.
As former Atlanta Democratic Mayor Kasim Reed told me recently, “What the current environment shows is that Republicans need Democratic cities to drive the economy.”

Metro concentration

This dynamic is the result of long-term trends intersecting with the course of the virus.
The long-term trend is greater concentration of economic activity in the nation’s largest metro areas in recent decades. While smaller communities remain heavily dependent on the 20th-century economic powerhouses of agriculture, manufacturing and energy extraction, all of which peaked decades ago in the number of jobs they support, the high-skill, high-paying digitally oriented jobs associated with the 21st-century information economy have increasingly converged on big urban areas with large numbers of well-educated workers.
Large urban areas are also the center of high-end business services (like banking and legal), entertainment, travel, higher education and health care.
In many states, these trends have allowed the large metropolitan areas to soar economically so far past small-town and rural regions that analysts often describe local conditions as a tale of two states.
In a recent study, for instance, the “Urban Lab” at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin noted that what it called “the Texas Triangle — the great region bounded by San Antonio/Austin in the southwest, Houston in the southeast, and Dallas/Fort Worth in the north” accounted for the vast majority of the state’s economic output, attracted 98% of its venture capital and generated much higher wages than the state’s rural areas.
“It is a tale of two Texases,” the group wrote, “one, an urban powerhouse with a rising knowledge economy that craves more educated talent; and the other, smaller towns and open ranges whose legacy agriculture, manufacturing, and oil extraction businesses are contracting.”
The new Brookings data prepared for CNN show how widespread this pattern of metro concentration has become across America, including in the states that both sides consider most likely to decide the 2020 presidential election. Using federal Bureau of Economic Analysis data, Brookings at my request analyzed the share of employment and economic output generated by metropolitan areas of 500,000 people or more in nine states high on the 2020 target list for each party.
The results, Muro said, showed that “in virtually all cases the state is heavily dependent on at least one major metro and in most cases several.”
In Pennsylvania, for instance, larger metropolitan areas account for nearly 95% of the state’s economic output and 89% of its jobs. The Philadelphia metro alone accounts for nearly three-fifths of the state’s output and almost exactly half of its jobs.
The Phoenix area accounts for nearly three-fourths of Arizona’s output and jobs, with the total metro contribution (including Tucson) rising to about 86% of each. In Georgia, Atlanta provides two-thirds of the output and three-fifths of the jobs, with smaller metros raising those numbers slightly higher. In Texas, Dallas and Houston combine for about 55% of output and jobs, and the other large metros raise the share to about three-fourths of the total.
Large metros account for at least four-fifths of total economic output in Florida and Ohio, nearly three-fourths in North Carolina and about two-thirds in Michigan, where Detroit alone contributes about half. The big metros generated only a slightly smaller share of the jobs across those states, (except in Ohio where they contained slightly more.)
Only in Wisconsin, the least urbanized of the major swing states, did large metros account for less than half of the state’s economy, and even there the numbers for Milwaukee and Madison combined still reached 46% of output and 42% of jobs.
Economic experts across these states agree that they can’t regain cruising speed without a revival in these dynamic metro areas. For Texas, there will be no recovery “without those places restarting and getting out in front of this,” says Steven Pedigo, director of the LBJ School’s Urban Lab. “We have this frontier mentality but at the end of the day we are an urban state. The growth triangle is what has kept the state moving and growing.”
Likewise, Jeff Rosensweig, who directs a program on business, public policy and government at the Emory University business school in Atlanta, says flatly that “there’s really no way the state can recover unless there’s a lot more activity going on in Atlanta.”
But these are exactly the places where the disease has hit hardest. William Frey, a Brookings Institution demographer, has painstakingly documented the spread of the disease over the past few weeks into smaller communities, including many that Trump carried in 2016. But urban centers and their inner suburbs still account for two-thirds of all counties facing elevated caseloads, according to Frey’s calculations.
In Arizona, Maricopa County, centered on Phoenix, accounts for just over half of the state’s cases. In Michigan, where the outbreak appears to be finally ebbing, Detroit and its politically pivotal suburbs of Oakland and Macomb counties have accumulated almost two-thirds of the state’s cases.
Philadelphia and its four big suburban counties have likewise experienced almost three-fifths of Pennsylvania’s total. Economist Jed Kolko recently calculated that death rates remain the highest, by far, in the urban centers of large metropolitan areas — even when excluding New York City from the numbers.

Urban residents still feel cautious

A variety of data sources — from cell phone tracking devices to activity at online restaurant reservation services — show that in communities of all sizes of Americans are edging back into the economy as states loosen restrictions. But several recent polls have consistently found residents of large urban areas expressing more caution than those in rural areas about returning to anything approaching normal activity.
In last week’s national CNN survey, for instance, only 36% of urban residents said they felt comfortable resuming their normal routines, much less than the 55% of rural respondents who expressed such confidence, according to figures provided by CNN polling director Jennifer Agiesta.
And while a slight majority of rural residents said in the survey that the worst of the outbreak was behind us, a 55% majority of urban residents said the worst was still to come. The two groups offered mirror-image verdicts on Trump’s handling of the outbreak, with three-fifths of urban residents disapproving and three-fifths of rural residents approving. On all three questions, suburban residents fell in between, though generally much closer to the urban respondents.
Polling released earlier this month by the nonpartisan Pew Research Center likewise found that nearly three-fourths of urban residents said they worried that states would lift restrictions too fast (rather than too slowly), and only 1-in-6 said there should be fewer restrictions in their areas right now. Rural residents were considerably more likely to say that they worried about lifting restrictions too slowly and wanted fewer limits today (although in each case only about one-third of rural respondents took those positions).
These contrasting experiences and attitudes have fueled a second wave of conflicts over reopening between Republican governors and state legislative majorities whose political base is centered on smaller communities and the primarily Democratic leadership of the largest metro areas. Republican governors in Georgia, Texas and Arizona, as well as other states, have preempted Democratic mayors in their largest cities from continuing stay-at-home rules.
Texas GOP Gov. Greg Abbott conspicuously invalidated an ordinance in Harris County (Houston) imposing fines on people who would not wear masks in public. Acting on a legal challenge brought by GOP legislators, the Republican majority on the Wisconsin state Supreme Court last week struck down an extension of the statewide stay-at-home order imposed by Democratic Gov. Tony Evers (in a ruling cheered by Trump). Republican legislators in Michigan are pursuing similar litigation against the statewide order imposed by Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer.

Little change in big cities

But the concentration of economic activity in the biggest cities suggests this is something of a pyrrhic victory for Trump and the GOP. In Wisconsin, local officials in Milwaukee and Madison, the state’s two most economically vibrant regions, immediately reimposed stay-at-home orders. “The immediate implication” of the state’s most bustling economic centers opting out of reopening “is a very slow recovery” for Wisconsin, says David Ward, an economic consultant in the state.
Remaining closed isn’t an option for mayors in the states where GOP governors have precluded stronger local action. But Democratic mayors and county officials in urban centers such as Atlanta, Austin, Dallas, El Paso and Phoenix have publicly expressed concerns that the restrictions are being lifted too fast.
In Phoenix, Democratic Mayor Kate Gallego posted a video on Friday urging residents to continue “to stay home as much as possible” and to wear masks whenever they are outside — just days after Republican Gov. Doug Ducey held a photo op lunch with legislators in a Phoenix restaurant where none of the participants wore a mask. Asked why Gallego continues to urge caution, Annie DeGraw, her communications director, said, “We are still so far behind on testing that it’s hard for us to even get a handle on where the virus is, where the hot spots are.”
Ducey’s office did not return a request for comment. Though state health officials have organized a testing “blitz” each Saturday in May to accompany reopening, Arizona has ranked at or near the bottom of the 50 states in the number of coronavirus tests conducted per capita.
Reed, the former Atlanta mayor, predicts that economic activity in big cities will lag so long as mayors remain unconvinced that reopening is safe. “I think you will continue to see the public defer to the local mayor, and that’s the signal that everybody will be waiting to hear from,” he said. “So while the economy is opening, I don’t think there is anywhere near the level of activity you would have if the mayor of Atlanta or Houston or San Antonio were in line with the governor’s policies.”
A new study led by Harvard economist Raj Chetty similarly concluded that “consumer spending, employment … the number of small businesses that are open, and time spent at work” changed little in Georgia, South Carolina and other states after their governors lifted stay-at-home orders.
Muro likewise expects a slow reemergence in the big population centers. He says he’s had repeated conversations over the past week with economic development groups in major metropolitan areas around the country that are skeptical of the rapid restart that Trump and many governors are promoting.
“I can tell you in the last 36 hours I’ve had multiple conversations with very senior CEO groups very, very concerned about what’s coming out of their governor’s office,” he said. “Metro business elites tend to prefer a science-based, prudent, graduated approach to these issues. … There is just a very visceral sense of caution.”

Cities bluer and small towns redder

These economic trends have a clear political overlay. While Trump has solidified the GOP’s hold on small-town and rural America, he’s accelerated its decline inside the largest metro areas. In 2016, he lost the nation’s 100 largest counties by a combined margin of around 15 million votes, and in 2018 the GOP lost House seats in a wide array of white-collar suburbs around cities from coast to coast.
In virtually every state, the largest metropolitan areas, which are driving economic innovation and growth, have become the clear backbone of the Democratic electoral coalition, while the GOP has grown more reliant on squeezing bigger margins out of smaller places that have not benefited as much from the new dynamics.
For years, a cadre of conservative-leaning urban critics have predicted that residents and businesses eventually will flee the expensive housing and high taxes of the big-city centers and relocate to red-leaning areas on the metropolitan fringes.
Now some of those same voices say the vulnerability to contagion exposed by the pandemic — combined with the outbreak’s spurring of telecommuting — will propel an exodus from the dense population centers. That might happen to some extent, Muro acknowledges, though he believes the underlying economic forces encouraging the “clustering” of talent and investment capital remain too powerful to significantly reverse.
But whatever the long-term prognosis, the economic dominance of the largest metro areas won’t diminish between now and November. And that means Trump can’t hope to truly revive the economy without more buy-in from the communities and voters who were the most skeptical of him from the outset — and have been the most badly battered by the outbreak this year.

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Economy

Paul Krugman Is Right About the Economy, and the Polls Are Wrong – New York Magazine

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One of the most uncomfortable arguments to make in America is that the people are wrong. It’s especially uncomfortable when the subject is something you experience in a more comfortable, privileged way than most people. And so when liberal economic elites insist the economy, which opinion polls consistently find the public considers terrible, is actually very good, it makes liberal economic elites come off badly.

Paul Krugman is one of those dreaded liberal elitists who believes the economy is actually good. So (at a much lower level of confidence and frequency) am I. We have developed a number of explanations for why people believe an economy that The Wall Street Journal recently called “the envy of the world” is so awful.

The most generous of these accounts is that people consider higher wages something they earned and higher inflation something that happened to them. But all the explanations involve conceding some level of basic irrationality on the part of the public. And the attempts to make sense of public assessments of the economy seem deeply unconvincing.

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Biden’s low economic ratings are “not hard to grasp,” argues Robert Kuttner in the left-wing American Prospect, “None of the recent improvements have altered the basic situation of most Americans, in which reliable careers are scarce, college requires the burden of debt, health coverage is more expensive and less reliable, and housing is unaffordable.” The solution, Kuttner argues, is for Biden to implement “radical” economic reforms along the lines of those promised by Bernie Sanders in 2016.

Kuttner’s hypothesis fails to explain why Americans were thrilled by economic conditions as recently as 2019, when the same basic features of the economy remained in place. Indeed, it fails to explain why Americans have ever considered the economy to be healthy, given that Bernie-style social democracy has, famously, never been tried in the United States.

Michael Powell, writing in the Atlantic, flays liberals in general, and Paul Krugman in particular, along lines similar to Kuttner’s:

The modern Democratic Party, and liberalism itself, is to a substantial extent a bastion of college-educated, upper-middle-class professionals, people for whom Biden-era inflation is unpleasant but rarely calamitous. Poor, working-class, and lower-middle-class people experience a different reality. They carry the searing memories of the Great Recession and its foreclosure crisis, when millions of American households lost their home. A large number of these Americans worked in person during the dolorous early days of the pandemic, and saw its toll up close. And since 2019, they’ve weathered 20 percent inflation and now rising interest rates—which means they’ve lost more than a fifth of their purchasing power. Tell these Americans that the economy is humming, that median wage growth has nudged ahead of the core inflation rate, and that everything’s grand, and you’re likely to see a roll of the eyes.

Powell makes several claims here, all of them deeply flawed.

He argues the working class considers the economy terrible because of “searing memories” of the Great Recession and then the pandemic. Yet, like Kuttner, he fails to explain why these same voters considered Trump’s economy to be so splendid. Memories of the Great Recession and its aftermath were fresher under Trump than they are now. And the worst and deadliest period of the pandemic actually occurred under Trump, which makes the current nostalgia for Trump’s economy all the more incompatible with Powell’s hypothesis.

It is true, as he writes, that prices have risen 20 percent since 2019. But that doesn’t mean people have “lost more than a fifth of their purchasing power.” Purchasing power is a function of the relationship between what things cost and how much you have to spend. Wages have been rising faster than inflation since last year, and the average American is better off than before the pandemic.

What’s more, contrary to Powell’s argument that the working class has suffered under Biden’s inflationary economy, wages have grown much faster at the bottom than at the top.

Powell reasons that public opinion is essentially dispositive. If the people feel the economy is bad, then it’s bad, regardless of what economists like Krugman tell them. “Working- and middle-class Americans,” he argues, “are wiser to trust their feelings and checking accounts than to rely on liberal economists.”

The trouble here is that polling finds plenty of public optimism about the economy in contexts other than asking people how the American economy is doing. An Axios poll earlier this year found 63 percent of Americans rate their personal financial situation as “good,” a figure in line with historical levels. That is also reflected in people’s spending practices — they are behaving as though the economy were booming, even if they don’t think it is.

A Wall Street Journal poll last month of seven swing states found a gigantic disconnect between the public’s view of economic conditions in their own state and in the country as a whole. Fifty-four percent of respondents believe economic conditions in their state are excellent or good. But only 36 percent of respondents said the same of economic conditions in the country.

Now this was a poll of seven swing states, not the entire country. I suppose you could imagine the swing states are in dramatically better economic shape than the rest of America, though if that were true, you’d expect Biden to be polling a little better.

What this suggests to me is that public assessment of the economy reflects something other than an objective assessment of economic conditions. People think they are doing well and their state is doing well but the country is doing horribly. Must we assume some deep wisdom underlies these seemingly irreconcilable beliefs? Sometimes people, even with the benefit of close personal experience, just believe things that aren’t true.


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Outlook for global economy is brighter, though still modest by historical standards: IMF – The Globe and Mail

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IMF Chief Economist Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas and IMF Research Department Deputy Director Petya Koeva Brooks hold a news briefing at IMF headquarters, in Washington, on April 16.MANDEL NGAN/Getty Images

The International Monetary Fund has upgraded its outlook for the global economy this year, saying the world appears headed for a “soft landing” – reining in inflation without much economic pain and producing steady if modest growth.

The IMF now envisions 3.2 per cent worldwide expansion this year, up a tick from the 3.1 per cent it had predicted in January and matching 2023′s pace. And it foresees a third straight year of 3.2 per cent growth in 2025.

In its latest outlook, the IMF, a 190-country lending organization, notes that the global expansion is being powered by unexpectedly strong growth in the United States, the world’s largest economy. The IMF expects the U.S. economy to grow 2.7 per cent this year, an upgrade from the 2.1 per cent it had predicted in January and faster than a solid 2.5 per cent expansion in 2023.

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Though sharp price increases remain an obstacle across the world, the IMF foresees global inflation tumbling from 6.8 per cent last year to 5.9 per cent in 2024 and 4.5 per cent next year. In the world’s advanced economies alone, the organization envisions inflation falling from 4.6 per cent in 2023 to 2.6 per cent this year and 2 per cent in 2025, brought down by the effects of higher interest rates.

The Federal Reserve, the Bank of Japan, the European Central Bank and the Bank of England have all sharply raised rates with the aim of slowing inflation to around 2 per cent. In the United States, year-over-year inflation has plummeted from a peak of 9.1 per cent in the summer of 2022 to 3.5 per cent. Still, U.S. inflation remains persistently above the Fed’s target level, which will likely delay any rate cuts by the U.S. central bank.

Globally, higher borrowing rates had been widely expected to cause severe economic pain – even a recession – including in the United States. But it hasn’t happened. Growth and hiring have endured even as inflation has decelerated.

“Despite many gloomy predictions, the global economy has held steady, and inflation has been returning to target,” Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, the IMF’s chief economist, told reporters ahead the release of the fund’s latest World Economic Outlook.

Though the world economy is showing unexpected resilience, it isn’t exactly strong. From 2000 through 2019, global economic growth had averaged 3.8 per cent – much higher than the 3.2 per cent IMF forecasts for this year and next. Keeping a lid on the world’s growth prospects are the continued high interest rates, along with sluggish gains in productivity in much of the world and the withdrawal of government economic aid that was rolled out during the pandemic.

The IMF warns that the economic expansion could be thrown off by the continuing adverse effects of higher rates and by geopolitical tensions, including the war in Gaza, that risk disrupting trade and raising energy and other prices.

China, the world’s No. 2 economy, has been struggling with the collapse of its real estate market, depressed consumer and business confidence and rising trade tensions with other major nations. The IMF expects the Chinese economy, which once regularly generated double-digit annual growth, to slow from 5.2 per cent in 2023 to 4.6 per cent in 2024 to 4.1 per cent next year.

But on Tuesday, Beijing reported that China’s economy expanded at a faster-than-expected pace in the first three months of the year, fueled by policies that are intended to stimulate growth and stronger demand. The Chinese economy expanded at a 5.3 per cent annual pace in January-March, surpassing analysts’ forecasts of about 4.8 per cent, official data show. Compared with the previous quarter, the economy grew 1.6 per cent.

Japan’s economy, the world’s fourth-largest, having lost the No. 3 spot to Germany last year, is expected to slow from 1.9 per cent last year to 0.9 per cent in 2024.

Among the 20 countries that use the euro currency, the IMF expects growth of just 0.8 per cent this year – weak but double the eurozone’s 2023 expansion. The United Kingdom is expected to make slow economic progress, with growth rising from 0.1 per cent last year to 0.5 per cent in 2024 and 1.5 per cent next year.

In the developing world, India is expected to continue outgrowing China, though the expansion in the world’s fifth-largest economy will slow, from 7.8 per cent last year to 6.8 per cent this year and 6.5 per cent in 2025.

The IMF foresees a steady but slow acceleration of growth in sub-Saharan Africa – from 3.4 per cent last year to 3.8 per cent in 2024 to 4.1 per cent next year.

In Latin America, the economies of Brazil and Mexico are expected to decelerate through 2025. Brazil is likely to be hobbled by interest high rates and Mexico by government budget cuts.

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China economy grows faster than expected in first quarter – BBC.com

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A shopper at supermarket in China.
China’s first quarter retail sales growth slipped

China’s economy made a stronger-than-expected start to the year, even as the crisis in its property sector deepened.

According to official data, gross domestic product (GDP) expanded by 5.3% in the first three months of 2024, compared to a year earlier.

That beat expectations the world’s second largest economy could see growth slow to 4.6% in the first quarter.

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Last month, Beijing set an ambitious annual growth target for world’s second largest economy of “around 5%”.

Data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) also showed first quarter retail sales growth, a key gauge of China’s consumer confidence, fell to 3.1%.

“You cannot manufacture growth forever so we really need to see households come to the party if China wants to hit that around 5% growth target,” Harry Murphy Cruise from Moody’s Analytics told the BBC.

In the same period property investment fell 9.5%, highlighting the challenges faced by China’s real estate firms.

The figures came as China continues to struggle with an ongoing property market crisis. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the sector accounts for around 20% of the economy.

The latest data also showed new home prices fell at the fastest pace for more than eight years in March.

The real estate industry crisis has been highlighted in January when property giant Evergrande was ordered to liquidate by a court in Hong Kong.

Rival developers Country Garden and Shimao have also been hit with a winding-up petitions in the city.

Last week, credit ratings agency Fitch cut its outlook for China, citing increasing risks to the country’s finances as it faces economic challenges.

At the annual gathering of China’s leaders in March officials said the economy grew by 5.2% in 2023.

For decades the Chinese economy expanded at a stellar rate, with official figures putting its GDP growing at an average of close to 10% a year.

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