From peasant farmers leaving an aging empire to modern-day information technology specialists, Ukrainians of all stripes have made Manitoba their home over the course of its history and shaped much of its identity to this day.
“Ukrainian-Canadians in Canada, and in Manitoba in particular, are an extremely vibrant and dynamic group that have contributed a lot to the cultural, historical, political and other spheres of development of Manitoba,” said Yuliia Ivaniuk, co-ordinator of the Centre for Ukrainian Canadian Studies at the University of Manitoba.
In Canada, which has the second-largest Ukrainian diaspora group in the world after Russia, Manitoba has the largest proportion of people who identify as Ukrainian with more than 180,000 people.
Over more than a century of living here, Ukrainian-Manitobans have left an indelible stamp on the identity of this province.
“Even the fact that pretty much anyone in Manitoba knows what perogies are, or is involved in some way in Ukrainian dancing, or knows what it is, is already a great sign of the Ukrainians’ influence on the province,” Ivaniuk said.
The first wave
The first ethnic Ukrainians arrived in Manitoba from what were then provinces of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the 1890s, although other groups from what would eventually become known as the country of Ukraine, such as Mennonites, began arriving decades earlier.
The first Ukrainian family came to Manitoba in 1891 and settled on a farm near Gretna, where many Mennonites who spoke the Ukrainian language already lived, according to an article published in 1951 by the Manitoba Historical Society in celebration of the 60th anniversary of their arrival.
Over the next two decades, the Canadian government actively recruited Ukrainians to settle the Prairies with offers of cheap land.
They brought many of their cultural practices with them, building Ukrainian Orthodox Churches with their distinctive bulbous spires, and establishing schools that followed their own traditions.
While farming attracted most of the immigrants during the first wave, which lasted until about the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, some Ukrainians began to take up residence in Winnipeg, particularly in Point Douglas and the North End.
They worked in the railway yards, construction projects, meat-packing plants and iron works of the booming city.
Many of the earliest immigrants didn’t actually call themselves Ukrainians, instead referring to themselves as Ruthenians, Ivaniuk says.
That would change with the second wave of Ukrainian migration to Manitoba, in the years between the end of the First World War and the start of the Second World War.
“At that time, they were coming from western Ukraine, which was under Polish rule, and they were extremely well aware of their Ukrainian identity as they were being politically suppressed back home,” Ivaniuk said.
Culture and politics
Whereas people in the first wave settled primarily on the land, the second wave brought large numbers of Ukrainian-Canadians to the cities, where they established many of their own cultural and political organizations.
The Ukrainian Labour Temple would feature prominently as a gathering place during the 1919 Winnipeg General Strike.
In the early decades of Ukrainian migration, there were periods of backlash from the larger Canadian society.
After Canada declared war against the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1914, thousands of Ukrainians were placed in labour camps across the country, including at the Fort Osborne Barracks in Winnipeg.
Some families changed their names to hide their origins.
The third wave of Ukrainian migration, roughly between the end of the Second World War and the early 1960s, brought a large number of educated members of the Ukrainian intelligentsia fleeing the Soviet Union.
These people made great efforts to preserve their language and culture, in the hopes that they would eventually return to Ukraine, although that would not be possible for many until the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991.
At the same time, they contributed greatly to the cultural, artistic and political life of Manitoba, and helped to develop the country’s policy of multiculturalism.
“They believed that it was important for different nationalities to have the ability to represent and to practise their unique cultural ways, and to share their history and their ways of living with others,” Ivaniuk said.
The strength of the Ukrainian identity among Manitobans is partly what led Dmytro Malyk to move to this province in 2014.
“Why we decided to come to Manitoba, first, one of the most significant factors was the presence of a huge Ukrainian community,” said Malyk, the vice-president of the Manitoba branch of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress.
“We kind of knew that we would not be left alone, that we would be able to find people within our cultural framework — that we would be able to maintain our national identity and be able to help our son to stay Ukrainian-Canadian.”
One under-researched area of scholarship is the relationship between Ukrainian communities and Indigenous people in Manitoba, Ivaniuk says.
She recalls recently seeing a post on social media by an Indigenous man speaking about how his grandmother adopted the practice of wearing a headscarf or babushka.
“And eventually they couldn’t even tell whose tradition it is that they were so close with one another,” she said.
The fourth wave of Ukrainian migration to Manitoba began after 1991.
They brought with them diverse skills. Many of them, including Malyk, work as information technology specialists.
“This is an opportunity to come to another country, to try new opportunities, to try to live in a different world,” he said.
Ivaniuk says some scholars say we are in a fifth wave of Ukrainian migration, which began after the Maidan uprising in 2014 that overthrew a Russian-backed regime and ushered in a more Western-oriented government.
It is that government that is in danger of being toppled by the Russian military.
For Malyk, one of the most attractive things about Canada for Ukrainians has been its democratic tradition, something it shares with the current Ukrainian government.
“Ukraine does have problems,” he said. “Democratic institutions there are not perfect. However, they are democratic, no matter what.”
Ontario Liberal Leader tries to make himself known, says his politics are personal – Cornwall Seaway News
TORONTO — Anyone who has heard Steven Del Duca speak during this election campaign likely knows he has two daughters in public school, two elderly parents who want to age at home, and that his Saturday mornings include grocery shopping for his family.
Weaving in personal touches to speeches is a tried and true political tactic, but the Ontario Liberal leader says his politics come from his personal life.
“Family is really the centre of everything…so it’s just a very natural, I guess, lens for me to view those issues,” he said in a recent interview.
Del Duca’s focus on home care comes not only from his 83-year-old Italian-born father and his 80-year-old Scottish-born mother, but also his grandparents, all of whom lived past 80 — one to 97 — and stayed in their own homes.
Education policy is important to Del Duca as the father to two daughters, Talia, 14, and Grace, 11, but he also mentions a teacher who kept him on track as he was drifting in his final year of high school.
By that time, he was already actively engaged in politics and didn’t have much interest in what the school curriculum had to offer in social sciences, and the teacher worried that his grades wouldn’t be able to get him into university.
So she developed two large research projects that he could do as independent studies and got the principal to sign off on it.
“I loved it because it gave me a chance to actually take what I was doing in reality, fuse it to with what I was reading and learning about and kind of taking a run with it,” Del Duca says.
“I don’t know how it would have worked out otherwise.”
Thirty years later, he’s taking a run at much bigger projects: the premiership and rebuilding the Ontario Liberals four years after their walloping that saw them lose official party status.
One of Del Duca’s oldest friends, Anthony Martin, has known him since the two were in Grade 3, and is not surprised to see him running for the province’s top job. Martin says his friend was always well informed about current events for his age, but once he was bitten by the political bug, that was it.
“He said he wanted to be premier, because, he thought that was where you could do the most good and make the most change in people’s lives,” Martin said.
Del Duca’s interest in politics was first sparked at age 14, when his older sister gave him “The Rainmaker,” the autobiography of legendary Liberal organizer Keith Davey, for Christmas.
He has since asked his sister why she settled on that present, a peculiar selection for a young teen, and “she can’t remember what possessed her to get that specific book.”
Regardless, Del Duca was hooked. He was then reeled in a few months later when a cousin invited him to a nomination meeting. It turned out to be a hotly contested race, with an incumbent being challenged for a federal Liberal nomination.
“I felt the electricity in the room,” he says.
Later that year was the 1988 election and Del Duca volunteered for the Liberals, knocking on the doors of voters who found a 15-year-old wanting to talk to them about free trade on the other side.
At age 48, Del Duca still likes talking, and he has developed a particular style. On the campaign trail he looks straight into the camera, delivering his words with a measured cadence that generally comes from reading prepared remarks.
Except there is no teleprompter in sight.
Del Duca says it’s partly due to him being quite hands on with platform development, but the seed was planted at his own nomination meeting in 2012.
He was being acclaimed to replace Greg Sorbara, who was retiring. Del Duca had actually written speeches for Sorbara, though he eschewed speaking notes.
“(It) used to drive me crazy,” Del Duca says. “He’d say, ‘Steven, this is such a beautifully written speech. I’m not using it.’”
Ahead of the nomination meeting, Sorbara told Del Duca not to use a written speech, but rather a single page of bullet points to “frame the mind.”
He was unsure about speaking off the cuff in front of so many people, and brought both his speech and his page of bullet points to the banquet hall. But after sitting in the parking lot and mulling it over, he left his speech in the car.
“It went fine,” Del Duca says. “That was really good advice Greg gave me…Even if you get back in the car afterwards, or you’re back at the office and think, ‘Oh shoot, I was gonna say those two things, but I didn’t,’ it’s OK. You connect with the audience far, far better.”
He would go on to spend nearly four years as transportation minister and a few months as economic development minister.
Liberal MP Yasir Naqvi, who served in cabinet with Del Duca, says he is someone who was always prepared, and can disagree with others cordially. The two have known each other since they were in the Liberals’ youth wing together, and Naqvi says personally Del Duca is a devoted family man.
Del Duca’s younger brother was killed in a car crash in 2018, and Naqvi says he was impressed by how Del Duca faced the tragedy.
“There were times of course he was fragile, but then he was also there for his parents, who lost their son,” Naqvi says.
“He was there for his sister-in-law, who lost her husband. He was there for his niece and nephews, who lost their father and of course, provide support for his family as well. Really, I was incredibly impressed by his strength, his calmness and his resiliency.”
Del Duca was chosen as party leader just days before the first COVID-19 lockdown.
March 7, 2020 was, in hindsight, not the best time for a mass gathering, and the timing was especially poor for Del Duca, who needed to spend the next two years both rebuilding the party from its disastrous 2018 election showing and introducing himself to voters.
But the new Liberal leader was one of the last things on voters’ minds as they dealt with devastating effects of the pandemic, and it has left Del Duca still fairly unknown, said Chris Cochrane, an assistant professor of political science at the University of Toronto Scarborough.
“It’s made life difficult for (him),” he said.
During last week’s debate, Del Duca came across as someone who had a good grasp of policy, but when it comes to a unique and easily identifiable charisma, Progressive Conservative Leader Doug Ford has him beat, Cochrane said.
“Doug Ford has a presence, a way of speaking, mannerisms, everything about him, that sends a message automatically, no matter what he says to the people he wants to vote for (him) that he’s one of them,” he said.
“As soon as you see (Ford) and you hear him speak, it’s unique to him…Jean Chrétien, for example, also had that, in the past. Del Duca doesn’t have that.”
But those who know him say he has a good sense of humour, trading dad jokes and offering up self-deprecating remarks.
He has also tried to cultivate a relatable image, often appearing in public wearing a suit with sneakers and ditching his signature black-rimmed glasses after getting laser eye surgery just before the campaign.
“I figured it was easier than trying to grow my hair,” he quips.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 25, 2022.
Politics Briefing: Conservative leadership candidates to face off in French-language debate – The Globe and Mail
The six candidates to lead the federal Conservative party will be making their case to win the race at a French-language debate Wednesday night.
The debate in the Montreal suburb of Laval is the second organized by the party committee managing the race after a previous debate, in English, held in Edmonton on May. 11.
The event will be a kind of political homecoming for candidate Jean Charest, the premier of Quebec from 2003 until 2012. The other candidates in the race are Ontario MPs Scott Aitchison, Leslyn Lewis and Pierre Poilievre as well as former Ontario legislature member Roman Baber, and Brampton Mayor Patrick Brown.
In recent days the candidates have been in Quebec preparing for the debate.
Mr. Charest and Mr. Poilievre are fluent in French as is Mr. Brown. It remains to be seen how the other candidates will make their points during the debate, which begins at 8 p.m. and runs for two hours.
The moderator is Marc-Olivier Fortin, a former Conservative Party regional councillor and national councilor for the party.
The debate comes a week before the June 3 deadline for selling party memberships, an exercise that has dominated the candidates’ time as they seek to rally support in the race. The winner will be announced by the party on Sept. 10.
When the leadership committee announced its debate plans in April, it said it was reserving the right to add a third debate in early August, but there has been no decision announced on such a gathering.
This is the daily Politics Briefing newsletter, written by Ian Bailey. It is available exclusively to our digital subscribers. If you’re reading this on the web, subscribers can sign up for the Politics newsletter and more than 20 others on our newsletter signup page. Have any feedback? Let us know what you think.
OTTAWA NOT RULING OUT COURT ACTION ON QUEBEC LANGUAGE LAW – Federal Justice Minister David Lametti says his government is not ruling out a court challenge to Quebec’s newly adopted language-reform law. Story here. Meanwhile, there’s more from Quebec correspondent Eric Andrew-Gee on the law, which is the largest expansion of Quebec’s language laws in more than 40 years. Story here.
TRUDEAU FORCED TO CANCEL APPEARANCE AT FUNDRAISING EVENT – Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was forced to cancel plans to attend a fundraising dinner in Surrey, B.C. on Tuesday after two speakers at the event said protesters hurled racial slurs at the mostly South Asian attendees entering the venue. Story here. Meanwhile, Mr. Trudeau says Canada Border Services Agency will be the department that decides whether Iran’s men’s soccer team is allowed into the country for a game next month. Story here.
CANADA SHOULD HAVE BEEN INCLUDED IN TRADE TALKS: BUSINESS LEADERS – Canadian business leaders say Canada should not have been left out of the launch of new American-led trade talks about the Indo-Pacific region. Story here.
PROSPECTS TO SUCCEED KENNEY CONSIDER OPTIONS -The race to replace Jason Kenney as United Conservative Party leader and Alberta Premier has two entrants so far along with a number of cabinet ministers who, when asked if they plan to run, delivered answers ranging from maybe to a hard no. Story here.
ONTARIO ELECTION – Ontario election today: The main party leaders are all holding in-person events for the first time in days. There’s a profile here of Ontario Liberal Leader Steven Del Duca, who says his politics come from personal life as he makes a run for premiership. TVO looks here at what women and racialized candidates face on the campaign trail. And check Vote of Confidence, The Globe’s Ontario election newsletter.
THIS AND THAT
TODAY IN THE COMMONS – The House has adjourned until May 30.
ANNUAL TEDDY WASTE AWARDS – The Canadian Taxpayers Federation has released their 24th annual Teddy Waste Awards, highlighting the “best of the worst” in government waste. Details here.
ALGHABRA IN NEW BRUNSWICK Transport Minister Omar Alghabra is in Saint John, N.B., announcing new funding for the port of Saint John and for the railway system in New Brunswick.
BLAIR IN INDONESIA – Emergency Preparedness Minister Bill Blair is in Indonesia, leading a Canadian delegation at the seventh session of the Global Platform on Disaster Risk Reduction from Wednesday to May 28.
MENDICINO IN HALIFAX – Public Safety Minister Marco Mendicino made a crime-prevention announcement in Halifax.
Wednesday’s edition of The Globe and Mail podcast features children’s rights and technology researcher Hye Jung Han , an advocate with Human Rights Watch, and lead researcher on a new report that found that some online learning platforms are tracking children in ways they say actively or passively infringe on a child’s privacy rights. The Decibel is here.
PRIME MINISTER’S DAY
In Saskatoon, the Prime Minister held private meetings, met with long-term care home residents, and was scheduled to make an an announcement on long-term care with Saskatchewan Seniors Minister Everett Hindley and hold a media availability. The Prime Minister was also scheduled to meet with students from the University of Saskatchewan College of Agriculture and Bioresources as well as researchers from the Vaccine and Infectious Disease Organization at the University of Saskatchewan. And the Prime Minister was scheduled to visit a local daycare facility and meet with families to discuss early learning and child care.
No schedules released for party leaders.
The Globe and Mail Editorial Board on how, with Bill 96, François Legault is trying to tiptoe out of Canada’s constitutional order: “It was always assumed that, if Quebec ever left Canada, it could only happen through the front door, and only if a clear majority could be persuaded to vote “oui” to an unambiguous referendum question. Such a result being of no interest to a majority of Quebeckers, Canada needs to recognize the fact that the current government of Quebec is trying to tiptoe out the back door. It is doing so by poking ever larger holes in Canada’s constitutional order, which protects fundamental rights, and replacing it with a parallel regime where the executive can curb rights and meddle in people’s lives with little to no judicial oversight.”
David Shribman (The Globe and Mail) on how, in a country where mass shootings are the norm, Americans have moved beyond outrage: “This week, the country seems to be past outrage, living in some emotional netherworld where logic, and pronouncements from faith leaders, and the screeches of pain and horror and fear, have no purchase, and where a generation of young people has been reared with the peculiar and perverse assumption that this is normal. Because it has become normal.”
Eva Jewell and Ian Mosby (Contributed to The Globe and Mail) on how reconciliation can’t be achieved with only symbolic gestures: “We write an annual report for Yellowhead Institute on Canada’s implementation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s 94 Calls to Action. When these calls were first released on June 2, 2015, Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau – before he became Prime Minister – promised that his party would complete all 94 if elected. But the reality has proven to be much different. According to our most recent analysis, Canada has completed only 11 of the 94 calls to action over the last seven years. While overall progress has been glacial, last year we found that in the three weeks following the Kamloops revelations, Canada completed three calls to action – more than in the previous three years combined.”
Jillian Oliver (Contributed to The Globe and Mail) on how Australia’s `teal wave’ is a wakeup call for Canada’s Conservatives: “The results should be a wake-up call for Canada’s federal Conservatives, whose leadership candidates are pledging to roll back Canadian climate policies if they were to form a government. Their presumed frontrunner, Pierre Poilievre, has said he wants to “build pipelines in all directions” and eliminate Canada’s price on carbon. His main challenger, Jean Charest, would not honour Canada’s emission-reductions commitments to the UN and instead reinstate weaker climate targets from more than a decade ago.”
Tom Mulcair (The Montreal Gazette) on how Quebec’s Bill 96′s passage to be followed by holy chaos: “The first big chapter of the Bill 96 saga has come to an end with the bill’s adoption by the National Assembly. By a linguistic quirk, on the anglo side it will always be called Bill 96 (like “Bill 101,” which actually became a law in 1977). On the franco side it will get a promotion to being called Loi 96 (Law 96). One way or the other, it’s on its way to court, where it is likely to get eviscerated, much to the quiet delight of separatists, who will see that as further proof Quebec independence is the only way forward. Bill 96 is overtly unconstitutional. It creates outrageous powers of search and seizure for language police who could inspect a company’s computers looking for inappropriate use of English. This is Keystone Kops material, but the Coalition Avenir Québec government has its spokespersons out there denying that Bill 96 actually says what it says in black and white.”
Murray Mandryk (Saskatoon StarPhoenix) on how Saskatchewan’s next NDP leader must depart from the approach of outgoing leader Ryan Meili: “In what turned into a bit of an exit interview Thursday, outgoing NDP Leader Ryan Meili was asked what advice he had for his successor. Don’t be your own attack dog on every issue, Meili essentially told reporters in his last scrum at the legislature as Opposition leader. Leave it to others to carry the attack and present your broader, more positive vision as to where your party is going. It was sage counsel for either Carla Beck or Kaitlyn Harvey, vying to become the next NDP leader of what is now a 12-member opposition rump. It also pretty much sums up most — if not all — of the problems of not onlyMr. Meili’s leadership but what’s ailed the Saskatchewan NDP for the past decade and a half.”
Charest, Poilievre stress divergent visions in Conservative leadership debate
LAVAL, Que. — Two front-runners in the federal Conservative contest kicked off the race’s only French-language debate Wednesday night with differing visions of Canada, with Ottawa-area MP Pierre Poilievre stressing freedom and former Quebec premier Jean Charest pitching unity.
“My legacy will be the freest country in the world where people will be able to control their lives, including their health decisions,” Poilievre said in his opening statement, highlighting “freedom of speech without censorship by the state or the woke movement.”
Charest said he hopes his legacy as Tory leader would be uniting his party and vaulting it to majority government.
“We will leave a more prosperous country to our children and a united country to our children,” said Charest.
The event took place in Laval, Que., north of Montreal, as a deadline approaches for candidates to have supporters signed up as party members to be eligible to vote in the contest.
Patrick Brown, the mayor of Brampton, Ont., who can also speak French, stressed winning “in urban areas,” which he noted remains a challenge for Conservatives. Brown has spent the race campaigning against a controversial secularism law in Quebec that prohibits some public servants in positions of authority from wearing religious symbols on the job, which he says is an affront to religious freedom.
Candidates took the stage after a language reform bill passed Quebec’s legislature that critics say goes too far in protecting the French language by potentially denying the province’s anglophones the ability to access services like health care in English.
Scott Aitchison, an MP from rural Ontario who’s running, released a statement ahead of Wednesday’s event pledging that a government led by him would work with Quebecers to see the new language bill and province’s religious symbols law repealed.
He called Premier François Legault’s language reform “divisive” and said the bill is “designed to exploit frustrations by discriminating against the English speaking minority in Quebec.”
“Government policies that unite francophones and anglophones are what Canada needs. We cannot allow fear and anger to win in this country,” Aitchison said.
Other candidates staked out positions on matters relevant to Quebecers and the party’s membership in that province as well.
Brown, who is promising to fight Quebec’s religious symbols law in court, said on Wednesday he would get rid of the country’s existing firearms law and replace it with a new one that better balances protecting Canada’s streets with respecting the rights of its citizens.
The Liberal government’s approach to firearms, which includes a regulation banning so-called assault-style weapons, has been a source of frustration for Conservatives, many of whom represent gun owners.
Another rallying cry for Conservative leadership hopefuls Poilievre, Lewis and Roman Baber is to end all remaining COVID-19 mask and vaccine mandates.
Baber is the Independent Ontario MPP whose opposition to a provincial lockdown got him booted from Premier Doug Ford’s caucus. His campaign announced Wednesday that he had won the support of Daniel Bulford, one of the leaders of the weeks-long convoy protest that jammed the streets of Ottawa in February.
Among the themes expected to be discussed during the debate were immigration, health, the party’s future and winning more seats in Quebec.
The latter has been a long-standing issue for the party, which currently only holds 10 of the province’s 78 seats, while the governing Liberals have 35 and the Bloc Québécois boast 32.
Since the Conservative Party of Canada formed in 2003, the most seats it has been able to hold has been 12 under former prime minister Stephen Harper.
Former Tory leader Erin O’Toole tried to change that during last year’s federal election by making numerous campaign stops in Quebec and promising to enter into a new contract with the province that would better respect its areas of jurisdiction.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 25, 2022.
— With files from Stephanie Taylor in Ottawa
Christopher Reynolds, The Canadian Press
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