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Packed, Maskless Great White Show Reminds Social Media of Band’s Tragic Concert Past



Unsafe concert conditions seem to know no genre boundaries in the mid-pandemic era. Two weekends ago, it was country artists Chase Rice and Chris Janson stirring outrage when proudly posted videos of themselves playing to packed crowds of fans with no masks in sight. Last weekend, it was hip-hop star DaBaby in the hot seat for playing a show in a large, packed nightclub where his unmasked female fans were literally reaching out and grabbing him.

Now the attention has turned to veteran hard-rock band Great White, which performed an outdoor show Thursday night for a general admission audience in North Dakota, many of whom posted videos giving no indication of even a single mask in the crowd, with fans jammed together, and even shirtless in some instances.

As the lack of protocols at the show came up for scorn on social media, it was not lost on many commenters that, if there is any band that might want to avoid being mentioned in the same breath as “unsafe concert conditions,” it’s Great White,

“Great White doing a precaution-free concert right now is like if Great White were to do a precaution-free concert right now,” jabbed writer Evie Nagy — one of countless references Twitter users made to the 2003 tragedy in which 100 people were killed and 230 more injured in a pyrotechnic-related fire at a Great White show in Rhode Island.

In the tradition of Rice and Janson posting photos and videos of their caution-to-the-wind packed crowds, it was Great White singer Mitch Malloy himself who posted the most circulated video from the show.

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Late Saturday night, the group issued a statement that emphasized that emphasized that the show went well while saying they consider themselves “far from perfect” and offering an apology “to those who disagree with our decision to fulfill our contractual agreement.”

“We understand that there are some people who are upset that we performed this show, during this trying time,” the group said. “We assure you that we worked with the Promoter. North Dakota’s government recommends masks be worn, however, we are not in a position to enforce the laws. We have had the luxury of hindsight and we would like to apologize to those who disagree with our decision to fulfill our contractual agreement. The Promoter and staff were nothing but professional and assured us of the safety precautions. Our intent was simply to perform our gig, outside, in a welcoming, small town. We value the health and safety of each and every one of our fans, as well as our American and global community. We are far from perfect.”

The group’s statement did not specify what safety precautions the promoter assured them about.

One difference between the show performed by Great White in North Dakota and the controversial gigs by Rice, Janson and DaBaby is that there wasn’t even the promise of social distancing Thursday, as organizers said ahead of time that none would be enforced or even encouraged.

“We do not have restrictions, believe it or not, we don’t have any,” event coordinator April Getz told the local Dickinson Press in touting the city’s “First On First: Dickinson Summer Nights” programming last month. (Grand White was the only act of national renown announced for the series.) ““I guess it’s one of the first events this year that didn’t get canceled and was approved by the city; we’re all very, very excited about it… It’s one of those things where if people feel comfortable coming down and mixing and mingling, that’s their personal choice. We’re leaving it up to everybody that chooses to attend.”

Although they were in the minority, there were some on social media defending Dickinson’s and the band’s right to put on shows with no coronavirus-related restrictions and fans’ right to attend.

“People are INSANE about masks right now,” wrote one Twitter user. “People are actually looking for pictures around the country of people not wearing masks to get pissed about. If you’re mad people in North Dakota at a Great White concert aren’t wearing masks, get out of the house and get a hobby.”

The version of the band that played Thursday in North Dakota has three members who have been with the group since the 1980s, along with lead singer Mitch Malloy, who joined in 2018. It is not to be confused with “Jack Russell’s Great White,” a spinoff group started by original singer Russell in 2011.

Russell is probably hoping no one associates him with this version of Great White or the North Dakota show, judging from recent omments he made strongly favoring the use of masks.

“There’s no need to be out [in public places],” Russell said in an interview with Austria’s Mulatschag that was found and publicized by Blabbermouth. “People don’t take it seriously — they don’t take the virus seriously. It’s sad. …It’s no small wonder that when you open all these places up, ‘Gee, the numbers [of coronavirus cases] rose up.’ It’s, like, what did you think was gonna happen? It’s, like, ‘I took my mask off and I got COVID.’ Well, what a big surprise that is.” Russell added, “If you don’t wanna help yourself, help everybody else. ‘Well, it’s my right. It’s my human right.’ Well, look, dude, you’ve gotta pay for your car to get smogged, you’ve gotta have a seat belt, you have a driver’s license, you have to have a license to be born, you have to have a marriage license. I mean, so you have to wear a mask for a while so you don’t die. What’s the problem?”

The version of Great White fronted by Malloy doesn’t have any other dates listed on its tour schedule before August 7, when it is booked for Riverfest FM in Fort Madison, Iowa, billed as “Southeast Iowa’s largest rock and roll festival.” That five-day festival in four weeks is “absolutely happening,” according to posts on the fest’s Facebook page. “With all of the uncertainty, it would have been easy to throw in the towel on this year,” Riverfest said, “but we firmly believe that ‘If we rock it, they will come’ and boy, do we have a line-up that is prepared to do just that!”

North Dakota has not been ravaged by COVID-19 as much as other states have, largely by virtue of a mostly rural population. Nonetheless, the state has seen rapid recent upticks. As of Saturday, North Dakota’s Department of Health reported 623 active cases, double the number from just 10 days earlier. Ninety of those cases were being newly reported Saturday. Earlier in the week, the state’s total case count was reported at 4,070.

Source:- Variety

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Media Beat: August 03, 2020 | FYIMusicNews – FYI Music News



Bruce Allen: Reality Check

CRTC orders radio station CJMS 1040 to shut down

The country station, based in St-Constant, just south of Montreal, had a long history of failing to meet the requirements of its licence ever since it launched in 1999. Since then, five times the commission renewed the station’s licence for a short term, citing compliance issues mainly related to filing reports and recordings with the commission. – Montreal Gazette

Canada got better. The United States got Trump

,,, In raw terms: On July 22, the 37.5 million people of Canada recorded 543 new coronavirus cases and eight fatalities. That same day, the 328 million people of the United States reported a staggering 69,730 new cases and 1,136 deaths.

When you arrive in Canada, you instantly understand the basic cause of the disparity.

It’s not the health-care system, exactly—although that has coped better, too. A close friend in Los Angeles combatting cancer this week began to experience COVID-19-like symptoms. Her cancer treatment had to pause while she awaited first a test (a two-day delay) then the results (God knows how long). Meanwhile, my two Canadian nephews took the precaution of a COVID-19 test before coming to visit us in the country. They got the test on a walk-in basis. The results arrived a few hours later: all clear. –  David Frum, The Atlantic

The music industry steers clear of Facebook ad boycott

While more than 1,000 companies are pausing Facebook spending due to the platform’s policies around hate speech, the music industry has mostly ignored the boycott — or even increased its ad buys. – Elias Leight, Rolling Stone

Microsoft confirms TikTok deal is brewing

Microsoft confirmed in a statement that it is not only in talks to buy US operations for the video social media platform TikTok, but also in Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The tight deadline comes after a report that US president Donald Trump only agreed to allow Microsoft to negotiate the acquisition if it could secure a deal in 45 days. – Lianna Brinded, Yahoo News

Is Sarah Cooper the reason Trump wants to ban TikTok?

Cooper, of course, is the actress and comedian who has come to Internet fame by posting videos of her lip-syncing Trump’s speeches and interviews to hilarious effect, whether it’s him denying he retreated to the White House bunker because of a threat posed by protestors, dodging a question about what his favourite Bible phrases are, or, most memorably, recreating his now-famous “People, woman, man, camera, TV” interview. – Stuart Emmrich, Vogue

SiriusXM revenue down; CEO calls company “resilient”

The audio company saw ad revenue fall 34% in the quarter, though it said it compensated for this through “substantial” expense savings.

“Despite the incredible economic stresses brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic, our self-pay net subscriber additions grew by nearly 200,000 over the first quarter of the year, and we reported improved churn of just 1.6% per month with rising ARPU,” said CEO Jim Meyer. – Paul McLane, RadioWorld

James Murdoch resigns from News Corp over ‘certain editorial content’ in news outlets

Rupert Murdoch’s son James has resigned from News Corp’s board of directors, saying he disagreed with some of the editorial and strategic decisions made by the company. – ABC News (Australia) & The Hollywood Reporter

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‘This is a new phase’: Europe shifts tactics to limit tech’s power

European Union leaders are pursuing a new law to make it illegal for Amazon and Apple to give their own products preferential treatment over those of rivals that are sold on their online stores. – Adam Satariano, The New York Times (subscription)

Australia unveils its plan to make Facebook and Google pay for news

The new rules, which need to be passed by Australia’s Parliament, would require digital platforms to take part in negotiations with media companies over payment, Australia’s competition regulator said Friday. If the media companies and the platforms can’t reach an agreement during three months of talks, an independent arbitrator would pick a compensation plan from one of the sides. The decision would be binding. – Mike Cherney, WSJ

Day after Congress grilling, Big Tech stocks add US$250B in market cap

A day after their leaders faced five hours of interrogation in Congress over allegations their power and influence is out of control, four of the biggest American tech companies saw their combined market value swell by US$250 billion thanks to earnings that shocked even Wall Street.

Shares of Inc., Facebook Inc., Apple Inc. and Alphabet Inc. built on already-torrid rallies after each reported earnings or revenue that crushed analyst estimates. Combined, the companies put up sales of US$200 billion in the three months ended in June, with Amazon reporting a record quarter. – Sarah Ponczek, BNN Bloomberg

Former President Obama’s eulogy for John Lewis

Former President Barack Obama paid tribute to Representative John Lewis at his funeral last Thursday, and called on lawmakers to pass the John Lewis Voting Rights Act. The full transcript can be found by linking to the headline.

Is dining out dead?

Food-and-hospitality services in Canada employ 1.2 million people, and the sector’s revenue of about $90 billion represents an estimated 5 percent of our GDP. When independent restaurants fail at the scale now being predicted—as many as 85 percent, according to a report commissioned by the Independent Restaurant Coalition, a US counterpart to Canada’s Save Hospitality, an alliance of independent restaurateurs formed in response to covid-19—they don’t just take down their owners but their employees, suppliers, farmers, and landlords, along with the value of commercial rent and adjacent residential real estate. Because how much is your house really worth in that trendy neighbourhood, the one with all the cool places to eat and drink, when half those places are boarded up? Restaurants are a load-bearing pillar of our culture and economy. – Corey Mintz, TheWalrus

Olivia de Havilland, the last lioness of the Hollywood studio system

…She peppered our conversation with memories of Clark Gable and Vivien Leigh, and waxed sentimental about Paris, where she had lived for more than fifty years. She was spending her days working on her memoir. The book, which never emerged during her lifetime, was to be her second. Her first, Every Frenchman Has One, came out in 1962, nearly a decade after de Havilland relocated to Paris, where she moved into the town house on Rue Bénouville … That book was a series of disconnected, fish-out-of-water essays about an American diva in Paris, in which she complained about her French maid, who never scrubbed the bathtub, and marvelled that a woman in France could be considered attractive without big breasts. (“I know just as well as you do that back home in the States if a girl’s got a delicate, elfin 32 she has no choice but to commit suicide,” she wrote. “At the Lido, if you’ve got a delicate, elfin 32, you’ve got a job.”) … – Rachel Syme, The New Yorker


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The Second Act of Social-Media Activism – The New Yorker



Illustration by Maria Chimishkyan

Three months of quarantine taught us to live online, so it’s perhaps unsurprising that it was what we saw online that sent us back onto the streets. On May 25th, the circulation of video footage capturing George Floyd’s murder by four Minneapolis police officers quickly incited local protests. Three nights later, our feeds streamed with live images of protesters burning Minneapolis’s Third Police Precinct. In the course of June, uprisings expanded at unprecedented speed and scale—growing nationally and then internationally, leaving a series of now iconic images, videos, and exhortations in their wake. Every historic event has its ideal medium of documentation—the novel, the photograph, the television—and what we’re witnessing feels like an exceptionally “online” moment of social unrest.

Indeed, the struggle in the public square has unfolded alongside a takeover of the virtual one. Amid cell-phone footage of protests and toppling statues, the Internet has been further inundated with what we might call activist media. Screenshots of bail-fund donations urging others to match continue to proliferate. Protest guides, generated from years of on-the-ground activist experience, are readily shared over Twitter and Instagram, telling readers how to blur faces in photographs or aid in de-arrests. There are e-mail and phone-call templates, pre-scripted and mass-circulated. Webinars about police abolition now constitute their own subgenre. And city-council meetings, which had already migrated to Zoom because of the pandemic, have come to host the hallowed activist tradition of town-hall agitation. (Well-timed appeals for the police department to “suck my dick,” it turns out, can be as effective online as off.) As some of June’s uprisings evolve into today’s encampments, the long revolutionary summer of 2020—made all the longer by quarantine—continues apace online.

Some of this story may seem familiar. In “Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked Protest,” from 2017, the sociologist Zeynep Tufekci examined how a “digitally networked public sphere” had come to shape social movements. Tufekci drew on her own experience of the 2011 Arab uprisings, whose early mobilization of social media set the stage for the protests at Gezi Park, in Istanbul, the Occupy action, in New York City, and the Black Lives Matter movement, in Ferguson. For Tufekci, the use of the Internet linked these various, decentralized uprisings and distinguished them from predecessors such as the nineteen-sixties civil-rights movement. Whereas “older movements had to build their organizing capacity first,” Tufekci argued, “modern networked movements can scale up quickly and take care of all sorts of logistical tasks without building any substantial organizational capacity before the first protest or march.”

The speed afforded by such protest is, however, as much its peril as its promise. After a swift expansion, spontaneous movements are often prone to what Tufekci calls “tactical freezes.” Because they are often leaderless, and can lack “both the culture and the infrastructure for making collective decisions,” they are left with little room to adjust strategies or negotiate demands. At a more fundamental level, social media’s corporate infrastructure makes such movements vulnerable to coöptation and censorship. Tufekci is clear-eyed about these pitfalls, even as she rejects the broader criticisms of “slacktivism” laid out, for example, by Evgeny Morozov’s “The Net Delusion,” from 2011.

“Twitter and Tear Gas” remains trenchant about how social media can and cannot enact reform. But movements change, as does technology. Since Tufekci’s book was published, social media has helped represent—and, in some cases, helped organize—the Arab Spring 2.0, France’s “Yellow Vest” movement, Puerto Rico’s RickyLeaks, the 2019 Iranian protests, the Hong Kong protests, and what we might call the B.L.M. uprising of 2020. This last event, still ongoing, has evinced a scale, creativity, and endurance that challenges those skeptical of the Internet’s ability to mediate a movement. As Tufekci notes in her book, the real-world effects of Occupy, the Women’s March, and even Ferguson-era B.L.M. were often underwhelming. By contrast, since George Floyd’s death, cities have cut billions of dollars from police budgets; school districts have severed ties with police; multiple police-reform-and-accountability bills have been introduced in Congress; and cities like Minneapolis have vowed to defund policing. Plenty of work remains, but the link between activism, the Internet, and material action seems to have deepened. What’s changed?

The current uprisings slot neatly into Tufekci’s story, with one exception. As the flurry of digital activism continues, there is no sense that this movement is unclear about its aims—abolition—or that it might collapse under a tactical freeze. Instead, the many protest guides, syllabi, Webinars, and the like have made clear both the objectives of abolition and the digital savvy of abolitionists. It is a message so legible that even Fox News grasped it with relative ease. Rachel Kuo, an organizer and scholar of digital activism, told me that this clarity has been shaped partly by organizers who increasingly rely on “a combination of digital platforms, whether that’s Google Drive, Signal, Messenger, Slack, or other combinations of software, for collaboration, information storage, resource access, and daily communications.” The public tends to focus, understandably, on the profusion of hashtags and sleek graphics, but Kuo stressed that it was this “back end” work—an inventory of knowledge, a stronger sense of alliance—that has allowed digital activism to “reflect broader concerns and visions around community safety, accessibility, and accountability.” The uprisings might have unfolded organically, but what has sustained them is precisely what many prior networked protests lacked: preëxisting organizations with specific demands for a better world.

Some of this growth is simply a function of time. It has been seven years since Black Lives Matter was founded. Since then, groups such as the Movement for Black Lives—an explicitly abolitionist, anti-capitalist network that includes more than a hundred and fifty organizations—have lent unity and direction to a coalition that was once, perhaps, too diffuse to articulate shared principles. These groups have also become better at using the Internet to frame, formalize, and advance their agenda. As Sarah J. Jackson, Moya Bailey, and Brooke Foucault Welles write in “#HashtagActivism,” social media provides a digital “counterpublic,” in which voices excluded from “elite media spaces” can engage “alternative networks of debate.” When moments of rupture occur, this counterpublic can more readily make mainstream interventions. Recent discourse about prison and police abolition might be the clearest example of a shift in the Overton window, though Bailey points even to “the language that we’re hearing on television, white supremacy being named for what it is,” as unimaginable just a few years ago.

What’s distinct about the current movement is not just the clarity of its messaging, but its ability to convey that message through so much noise. On June 2nd, the music industry launched #BlackoutTuesday, an action against police brutality that involved, among other things, Instagram and Facebook users posting plain black boxes to their accounts. The posts often included the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter; almost immediately, social-media users were inundated with even more posts, which explained why using that hashtag drowned out crucial information about events and resources with a sea of mute boxes. For Meredith Clark, a media-studies professor at the University of Virginia, the response illustrated how the B.L.M. movement had honed its ability to stick to a program, and to correct those who deployed that program naïvely. In 2014, many people had only a thin sense of how a hashtag could organize actions or establish circles of care. Today, “people understand what it means to use a hashtag,” Clark told me. They use “their own social media in a certain way to essentially quiet background noise” and “allow those voices that need to connect with each other the space to do so.” The #BlackoutTuesday affair exemplified an increasing awareness of how digital tactics have material consequences.

Another example arrived on June 3rd, when Campaign Zero—a Black Lives Matter branch often associated with the activist DeRay Mckesson—launched a campaign, #8cantwait, to “reduce police violence.” The campaign endorsed a reformist platform, which included banning choke holds and enforcing deëscalation training; it was widely circulated, and won support from names like Jon Lovett and Ariana Grande. By the end of that weekend, though, the campaign had been roundly criticized as too moderate—and perhaps even misleading, as many of its proposals had already been adopted—and it was abandoned by many within and without the B.L.M. movement. In response, a “group of abolitionist comrades,” in the words of the human-rights lawyer Derecka Purnell, presented a competing campaign with its own hashtag: #8toabolition. The immense speed with which #8toabolition was born and broadcast illustrates the tactical efficiency of today’s abolitionists. When I spoke to three of #8toabolition’s co-writers—Mon Mohapatra, Reina Sultan, and Rachel Kuo—over Zoom, they told me that their campaign’s demands were drafted by ten different activists in a shared Google doc in the course of twenty-four hours. That speed was enabled by the networks of trust and collaboration built through years of organizing.

These networks suggest that digital activism has entered a second act, in which the tools of the Internet have been increasingly integrated into the hard-won structure of older movements. Though, as networked protest grows in scale and popularity, it still risks being hijacked by the mainstream. Any urgent circulation of information—the same memes filtering through your Instagram stories, the same looping images retweeted into your timeline—can be numbing, and any shift in the Overton window means that hegemony drifts with it. You know something has gone wrong when the San Francisco 49ers post a #BlackoutTuesday box. From the renaming (and repainting) of “Black Lives Matter Plaza” by the mayor of Washington, D.C., Muriel Bowser, to ahistorical citations of Martin Luther King, Jr.,’s speeches, the discourse of Black struggle remains open to aggressive co-optation. The meme-ification of Breonna Taylor’s death—in which calls to arrest her killers are prefaced by mundane observations about, say, the weather—may be the most depressing example yet of how social media can trivialize a movement.

In “Twitter and Tear Gas,” Tufekci wrote, “The Black Lives Matter movement is young, and how it will develop further capacities remains to be seen.” The movement is older now. It has developed its tactics, its messaging, its reach—but perhaps its most striking new capacity is a sharper recognition of social media’s limits. “This movement has mastered what social media is good for,” Deva Woodly, a professor of politics at the New School, told me. “And that’s basically the meme: it’s the headline.” Those memes, Woodley said, help “codify the message” that leads to broader, deeper conversations offline, which, in turn, build on a long history of radical pedagogy. As more and more of us join those conversations, prompted by the words and images we see on our screens, it’s clear that the revolution will not be tweeted—at least, not entirely.

Race, Policing, and Black Lives Matter Protests

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InvestorChannel's Media Watchlist Update for Sunday, August 02, 2020, 16:30 EST – InvestorIntel




InvestorChannel’s Media Stocks Watchlist Update video includes the Top 5 Performers of the Day, and a performance review of the companies InvestorChannel is following in the sector.
Sources Include: Yahoo Finance, AlphaVantage FinnHub & CSE.
For more information, visit us at or email us at [email protected]

Watchlist Companies:
– Thunderbird Entertainment Group Inc. (TBRD.V) CAD 1.57 (18.94%)
– Glacier Media Inc. (GVC.TO) CAD 0.21 (7.5%)
– MediaValet Inc. (MVP.V) CAD 1.70 (6.25%)
– Slack Technologies Inc. (WORK) USD 29.55 (2.71%)
– Ltd. (WIX) USD 290.48 (1.95%)
– Zoom Video Communications Inc. (ZM) USD 253.91 (1.56%)
– Adobe Inc. (ADBE) USD 444.32 (1.24%)
– HubSpot, Inc. (HUBS) USD 234.61 (0.94%)
– Stingray Group Inc. (RAY-A.TO) CAD 4.91 (0.2%)
– GVIC Communications Corp. (GCT.TO) CAD 0.15 (0.0%)
– Lingo Media Corporation (LM.V) CAD 0.06 (0.0%)
– Moovly Media Inc. (MVY.V) CAD 0.07 (0.0%)
– Network Media Group Inc. (NTE.V) CAD 0.17 (0.0%)
– Postmedia Network Canada Corp. (PNC-A.TO) CAD 1.52 (0.0%)
– QYOU Media Inc. (QYOU.V) CAD 0.04 (0.0%)
– WOW! Unlimited Media Inc. (WOW.V) CAD 0.32 (0.0%)
– ZoomerMedia Limited (ZUM.V) CAD 0.06 (0.0%)
– Corus Entertainment Inc. (CJR-B.TO) CAD 2.40 (-1.23%)
– Quizam Media Corporation (QQ.CN) CAD 0.54 (-1.82%)
– Media Central Corporation Inc. (FLYY.CN) CAD 0.01 (-25.0%)


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