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UK gender battle stirs talk of independence in Scotland

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Glasgow, Scotland – Heather Herbert is happier now than at any other point in her life.

The 47-year-old trans woman, who moved to Scotland’s northeast from her birthplace of Leicester, England, around a decade ago, transitioned in 2015.

It was a decision she arrived at after “a lot of soul searching”.

“I’ve always felt like a girl – or a woman – more than a male,” Herbert told Al Jazeera. “But I just didn’t have the words for it back when I was younger.”

When she first heard the term “transgender”, it was shrouded in negative connotations – “that trans people were weirdos and strange … and all the other negative words you can think of” – and it was only after meeting others with similar experiences that she finally saw she was not alone.

Transgender rights supporters protest in favour of a Scottish gender reform bill outside Downing Street in London, the United Kingdom [Henry Nicholls/Reuters]

The web developer has undergone hormone therapy and electrolysis, and is currently waiting for gender-affirming surgery.

But like others from Scotland’s transgender community, Herbert has been following the eruption of a long-simmering gender debate that has left the Scottish government and the British government at loggerheads.

Gender recognition bill

In December, lawmakers in the devolved Scottish Parliament voted to pass the Gender Recognition Bill by 86 votes to 39, paving the way for trans people in Scotland to more easily change their legally recognised gender.

On January 16, however, the British government vetoed the bill, citing a conflict with the UK Equality Act.

That decision – which marked the first time UK ministers used a so-called Section 35 order to block a piece of legislation passed by the Scottish Parliament – was met with fury by Scotland’s nationalist First Minister Nicola Sturgeon.

Sturgeon, the left-of-centre leader of the pro-independence Scottish National Party (SNP), labelled the move by the pro-union Conservative government of British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak a “full-frontal attack”, exposing yet another constitutional fault line between Edinburgh and London.

Herbert, an active campaigner for the pro-independence Scottish Green Party, which has a power-sharing arrangement with the SNP government at the Scottish Parliament, echoed Sturgeon’s view.

“In a way, the Gender Recognition Bill is a perfect gift to the Conservatives,” she said. “They get to attack both LGBTQ+ people, Scotland and the Scottish government all in one move.”

For Herbert, and many others in Scotland’s trans community today, the personal is the political.

Trans rights protestors in London
Transgender rights supporters demonstrate on Downing Street in London, the UK [Henry Nicholls/Reuters]

But this cross-border clash between the two administrations comes hot on the heels of the UK government’s ongoing refusal to grant the Scottish government the right to hold a second independence referendum, following the first such vote in 2014, which saw Scots reject sovereignty by 55-45 percent.

This decision was endorsed last November by the highest court in the land after Scotland’s first minister referred the dispute to the UK Supreme Court.

Indeed, despite an SNP-Green independence-supporting majority in the Scottish Parliament, and the SNP’s repeated electoral wins, judges last year ruled that any such poll held without Westminster’s consent would be unlawful.

Yet while unionists who voted for the Gender Recognition Bill in the Scottish Parliament remain implacably opposed to Scottish independence, this did not stop some from speaking out against the British government’s intervention.

Scottish Labour Party parliamentarian Monica Lennon, who, like most of her Labour colleagues in the Edinburgh parliament, voted in favour of the gender bill, described London’s actions as a “cynical and dangerous power move by an out-of-control UK government”.

As supporters of gender reform in Scotland lick their wounds, critics of the legislation, who voiced concerns that making it easier for a man to transition into a woman could threaten the safety of women-only spaces, feel vindicated.

And while the Scottish government plans its next move, pro-union supporters of the bill are pleased that Westminster’s intervention has re-asserted the UK government’s constitutional dominance.

“Luckily we have the safeguards of the UK, and I think this has … reaffirmed people’s faith in the union,” said Alastair Redman, a one-time Scottish Conservative Party member, who now sits as an independent councillor for Scotland’s Argyll and Bute Council, and who has always opposed the bill.

“[In the form of the UK government] we have the checks and balances to prevent the excesses of the Scottish government who have lost the plot and gone mad with power quite frankly,” he told Al Jazeera.

That these events are seen in Scotland through the prism of the constitution is not surprising.

Scotland, the UK’s second-largest constituent nation, has been gripped by the independence question since its historic referendum nine years ago.

YouTube video

Today, opinion polls often reveal an electorate split down the middle.

As such, this most recent point of rancour between the two governments was always likely to fan the flames of feeling on both sides of the constitutional debate, not least among the voting public.

One such voter, Fiona McKenzie, who works in marketing in Aberdeen, a city on Scotland’s North Sea coast, told Al Jazeera that the dispute has made her “think seriously about how Scotland fits within the UK politically and constitutionally”.

“As someone who has sat on the fence about independence for some time, I believe this might be the ‘straw’ that tips the balance for me,” said McKenzie, 43, who personally supported the gender bill.

“It just feels like Scotland is not being treated respectfully, and that we are being ultimately governed by people who are aloof and not willing to engage with us on a meaningful level. If we were talking about a marriage, I’d say separation and divorce were now looking more likely on grounds of estrangement.”

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Trump is consistently inconsistent on abortion and reproductive rights

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CHICAGO (AP) — Donald Trump has had a tough time finding a consistent message to questions about abortion and reproductive rights.

The former president has constantly shifted his stances or offered vague, contradictory and at times nonsensical answers to questions on an issue that has become a major vulnerability for Republicans in this year’s election. Trump has been trying to win over voters, especially women, skeptical about his views, especially after he nominated three Supreme Court justices who helped overturn the nationwide right to abortion two years ago.

The latest example came this week when the Republican presidential nominee said some abortion laws are “too tough” and would be “redone.”

“It’s going to be redone,” he said during a Fox News town hall that aired Wednesday. “They’re going to, you’re going to, you end up with a vote of the people. They’re too tough, too tough. And those are going to be redone because already there’s a movement in those states.”

Trump did not specify if he meant he would take some kind of action if he wins in November, and he did not say which states or laws he was talking about. He did not elaborate on what he meant by “redone.”

He also seemed to be contradicting his own stand when referencing the strict abortion bans passed in Republican-controlled states since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. Trump recently said he would vote against a constitutional amendment on the Florida ballot that is aimed at overturning the state’s six-week abortion ban. That decision came after he had criticized the law as too harsh.

Trump has shifted between boasting about nominating the justices who helped strike down federal protections for abortion and trying to appear more neutral. It’s been an attempt to thread the divide between his base of anti-abortion supporters and the majority of Americans who support abortion rights.

About 6 in 10 Americans think their state should generally allow a person to obtain a legal abortion if they don’t want to be pregnant for any reason, according to a July poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. Voters in seven states, including some conservative ones, have either protected abortion rights or defeated attempts to restrict them in statewide votes over the past two years.

Trump also has been repeating the narrative that he returned the question of abortion rights to states, even though voters do not have a direct say on that or any other issue in about half the states. This is particularly true for those living in the South, where Republican-controlled legislatures, many of which have been gerrymandered to give the GOP disproportionate power, have enacted some of the strictest abortion bans since Roe v. Wade was overturned.

Currently, 13 states have banned abortion at all stages of pregnancy, while four more ban it after six weeks — before many women know they’re pregnant.

Meanwhile, anti-abortion groups and their Republican allies in state governments are using an array of strategies to counter proposed ballot initiatives in at least eight states this year.

Here’s a breakdown of Trump’s fluctuating stances on reproductive rights.

Flip-flopping on Florida

On Tuesday, Trump claimed some abortion laws are “too tough” and would be “redone.”

But in August, Trump said he would vote against a state ballot measure that is attempting to repeal the six-week abortion ban passed by the Republican-controlled Legislature and signed by Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis.

That came a day after he seemed to indicate he would vote in favor of the measure. Trump previously called Florida’s six-week ban a “terrible mistake” and too extreme. In an April Time magazine interview, Trump repeated that he “thought six weeks is too severe.”

Trump on vetoing a national ban

Trump’s latest flip-flopping has involved his views on a national abortion ban.

During the Oct. 1 vice presidential debate, Trump posted on his social media platform Truth Social that he would veto a national abortion ban: “Everyone knows I would not support a federal abortion ban, under any circumstances, and would, in fact, veto it.”

This came just weeks after Trump repeatedly declined to say during the presidential debate with Democrat Kamala Harris whether he would veto a national abortion ban if he were elected.

Trump’s running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, said in an interview with NBC News before the presidential debate that Trump would veto a ban. In response to debate moderators prompting him about Vance’s statement, Trump said: “I didn’t discuss it with JD, in all fairness. And I don’t mind if he has a certain view, but I don’t think he was speaking for me.”

‘Pro-choice’ to 15-week ban

Trump’s shifting abortion policy stances began when the former reality TV star and developer started flirting with running for office.

He once called himself “very pro-choice.” But before becoming president, Trump said he “would indeed support a ban,” according to his book “The America We Deserve,” which was published in 2000.

In his first year as president, he said he was “pro-life with exceptions” but also said “there has to be some form of punishment” for women seeking abortions — a position he quickly reversed.

At the 2018 annual March for Life, Trump voiced support for a federal ban on abortion on or after 20 weeks of pregnancy.

More recently, Trump suggested in March that he might support a national ban on abortions around 15 weeks before announcing that he instead would leave the matter to the states.

Views on abortion pills, prosecuting women

In the Time interview, Trump said it should be left up to the states to decide whether to prosecute women for abortions or to monitor women’s pregnancies.

“The states are going to make that decision,” Trump said. “The states are going to have to be comfortable or uncomfortable, not me.”

Democrats have seized on the comments he made in 2016, saying “there has to be some form of punishment” for women who have abortions.

Trump also declined to comment on access to the abortion pill mifepristone, claiming that he has “pretty strong views” on the matter. He said he would make a statement on the issue, but it never came.

Trump responded similarly when asked about his views on the Comstock Act, a 19th century law that has been revived by anti-abortion groups seeking to block the mailing of mifepristone.

IVF and contraception

In May, Trump said during an interview with a Pittsburgh television station that he was open to supporting regulations on contraception and that his campaign would release a policy on the issue “very shortly.” He later said his comments were misinterpreted.

In the KDKA interview, Trump was asked, “Do you support any restrictions on a person’s right to contraception?”

“We’re looking at that and I’m going to have a policy on that very shortly,” Trump responded.

Trump has not since released a policy statement on contraception.

Trump also has offered contradictory statements on in vitro fertilization.

During the Fox News town hall, which was taped Tuesday, Trump declared that he is “the father of IVF,” despite acknowledging during his answer that he needed an explanation of IVF in February after the Alabama Supreme Court ruled that frozen embryos can be considered children under state law.

Trump said he instructed Sen. Katie Britt, R-Ala., to “explain IVF very quickly” to him in the aftermath of the ruling.

As concerns over access to fertility treatments rose, Trump pledged to promote IVF by requiring health insurance companies or the federal government to pay for it. Such a move would be at odds with the actions of much of his own party.

Even as the Republican Party has tried to create a national narrative that it is receptive to IVF, these messaging efforts have been undercut by GOP state lawmakers, Republican-dominated courts and anti-abortion leaders within the party’s ranks, as well as opposition to legislative attempts to protect IVF access.

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The Associated Press receives support from several private foundations to enhance its explanatory coverage of elections and democracy. See more about AP’s democracy initiative here. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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Saskatchewan Party’s Scott Moe, NDP’s Carla Beck react to debate |

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Saskatchewan‘s two main political party leaders faced off in the only televised debate in the lead up to the provincial election on Oct. 28. Saskatchewan Party Leader Scott Moe and NDP Leader Carla Beck say voters got a chance to see their platforms. (Oct. 17, 2024)

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Saskatchewan political leaders back on campaign trail after election debate

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REGINA – Saskatchewan‘s main political leaders are back on the campaign trail today after hammering each other in a televised debate.

Saskatchewan Party Leader Scott Moe is set to make an announcement in Moose Jaw.

Saskatchewan NDP Leader Carla Beck is to make stops in Regina, Saskatoon and Prince Albert.

During Wednesday night’s debate, Beck emphasized her plan to make life more affordable and said people deserve better than an out-of-touch Saskatchewan Party government.

Moe said his party wants to lower taxes and put money back into people’s pockets.

Election day is Oct. 28.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Oct. 17, 2024.

The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.

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